The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898—Volume 34 of 55, 1519-1522; 1280-1605 / Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century

[PRIMO VIAGGIO INTORNO AL MONDO]

(Continued from Vol.XXXIII, page 266.)

[FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD]

(Continued from Vol.XXXIII, page 267.)

Sul tardi deL medeſimo giorno vene in vno prao pietro alfonſo portugheſe et non eſſendo anchora deſmontato iL re lo mando a chiamare et ridendo diſegli se lui ben era de tarennate ne diceſſe la verita de tuto quello q̃ li domandaſſem Coſtui dice Como Ja ſedize anny ſtaua nela Jndia ma x in maluco et tante erano q̃ maluco ſtaua deſcoperto ascoſamente et era vno anno mancho quindici giornj che venne vna naue grande de malaca quiui et ſe partite caricata de garofali ma ꝓ li mali tempi reſto in bandan alquanti meſi delaq^alle era cap^o triſtan de meneses portughese et Como lui li demando que noue erano adeſſo in chriſtianitatte li diſſe como era partita vna armata de cinque nauj de ſiuiglia ꝓ deſcoprire maluco in nome deL re deſpagnia eſsendo capitano fernando de magallianes portugheſe et como lo re de portugallo ꝓ diſpecto q̃ vno portugueſe lifoſſe cont^a hauea mandatte alquante naue aL capo de bonna ſperanſa et altre tante aL capo de ſancta maria doue ſtanno li Canibali ꝓ vietargli lo paſſo et Como nõ lo trouo poy il re de portagalo haueua Jnteſo Como lo dicto capitanio haueua paſſato ꝓ vno alt^o mare et andaua amalucho Subito ſcriſſe aL ſuo cap^o magiore de la india chiamato diego lopes de ſichera mãdaſſe ſey naue amaluco me ꝓ cauſa del grã turco che veniua amalacha nõ le mande ꝓ che li fu forſa mandare Contra lui ſexanta velle aL ſtreto deLa mehca nella tera de Juda liq^alli non trouorono alt^o ſolum alcãte gallere in ſeco nela riua de q^ella forte et bella cita de adem leq^alle tucte bruſorono[_]dopo Queſto mandaua contro anuy amalucho vno grã galeõe con due mani de bombarde ma ꝓ certi baſſi et corenti de hacqua che ſonno circa malaca et venti Contrarj non puoto paſſare et torno in drieto Lo cap^o de queſto galiõe era franc^o faria portugheſe et Como erano poqⁱ giornj q̃ vna Carauella cõ dui Jonci erano ſtati quiui ꝓ Jntendere de nui li Junci andarono abachian ꝓ caricare garofali cõ ſette portugheſi Queſti portugheſi ꝓ nõ hauer̃ reſpecto ale donne deL re et de li ſuoi lo re li diſce piu volte nõ faceſſero taL coſa ma loro nõ volendo reſtare furono amazati Quando q^elli de la Carauella intezero queſto ſubito tornorono a malaca et laſciarono li Junci cõ catrocento bahar de garofali et tanta mercantia ꝓ comperar̃ cento altⁱ bahar et Como ogni anno molti Junci veneno de malaca abandan ꝓ pigliare matia et noſce moſcade et da bandan amalucho ꝓ garofali et como queſti populi vanno cõ queſti ſui Junci da maluco a bandan in tre giornj et de bandan amalaca in quĩdici et como lo re de portagalo Ja x anny godeua malucho aſcoſamente acio lo re deſpagnia noL ſapeſſe coſtui ſtete cõ nuy altⁱ inſino a tre hore de nocte et diſcene molte altre coſe operaſſemo tanto q̃ coſtui ꝓmetendolj bõ ſoldo ne ꝓmiſſe de venire cõ nuy in ſpagnia.

In the afternoon of that same day, Pietro Alfonso, the Portuguese, came in a prau.He had not disembarked before the king sent to summon him and told him banteringly to answer us truly in whatever we should ask him, even if he did come from Tarennate.He told us that he had been sixteen years in India, but x in Maluco, for Maluco had been discovered secretly for that time.⁴⁸⁸ It was a year all but one fortnight, since a large ship had arrived at that place from Malaca, and had left laden with cloves, but had been obliged to remain in Bandan for some months because of bad weather. Its captain was Tristan de Meneses,⁴⁸⁹ a Portuguese. When he asked the latter what was the news back in Christendom, he was told that a fleet of five ships had left Siviglia to discover Maluco in the name of the king of Spagnia under command of Fernando de Magallianes, a Portuguese; that the king of Portugallo, angered that a Portuguese should be opposed to him, had sent some ships to the cape of Bonna Speransa [i.e., Good Hope], and a like number to the cape of Sancta Maria, where the cannibals live, in order to prevent their passage, but that he was not found. Then the king of Portagalo had heard that the said captain had passed into another sea, and was on his way to Malucho. He immediately wrote directing his chief captain of India, one Diego Lopes de Sichera,⁴⁹⁰ to send six ships to Maluco. But the latter did not send them because the Grand Turk was coming to Malacha, for he was obliged to send sixty sail to oppose him at the strait of Mecha in the land of Juda. They found only a few galleys that had been beached on the shore of the strong and beautiful city of Adem, all of which they burned.⁴⁹¹ After that the chief captain sent a large galleon with two tiers of guns to Malucho to oppose us, but it was unable to proceed because of certain shoals and currents of water near Malaca, and contrary winds. The captain of that galleon was Francesco Faria,⁴⁹² a Portuguese. It was but a few days since a caravel with two junks had been in that place to get news of us. The junks went to Bachian for a cargo of cloves with seven Portuguese. As those Portuguese did not respect the women of the king and of his subjects, although the king told them often not to act so, and since they refused to discontinue, they were put to death. When the men in the caravel heard that, they immediately returned to Malaca abandoning the junks with four hundred bahars of cloves, and sufficient merchandise to purchase one hundred bahars more. Every year a number of junks sail from Malaca to Bandan⁴⁹³ for mace and nutmeg, and from Bandan to Malucho for cloves. Those people sail in three days in those junks of theirs from Maluco to Bandan, and in a fortnight from Bandan to Malaca. The king of Portagalo had enjoyed Malucho already for x years secretly, so that the king of Spagnia might not learn of it. That Portuguese remained with us until three in the morning, and told us many other things. We plied him so well, promising him good pay that he promised to return to Spagnia with us.

Vennere a Quindici de nouembre il re ne diſce como andaua abachian ꝓ pigliar̃ de q^elli garofali laſsati da li portugueſi ne dimando duy pñti ꝓ darli ali dui gubernatorj de mutir in nome deL re deſpagnia et paſſando per mezo de le naui volſe vedere Como tirauão li ſchiopeti li baleſtre et li verſi q̃ ſono magiori duno arcubuſo tiro lui tre volti de baleſtra ꝓ chi li piaceua piu q̃ li ſchiopeti Sabato lo re moro de giailolo vene ale naui con molti prao alqualle donaſcemo vno ſayo de domaſcho ꝟde dui bracia de panne roſſo ſpechi forfice cortelli petini et dui bichery dorati ne diſce poi q̃ eramo amici deL re de tadore eramo anchora ſoi ꝓ che amaualo Como ꝓp^io ſuo figliolo et ſe may alguno deli noſtⁱ andaſſeno in ſua terra li farebe grandiſſimo honnore Queſto re emolto vechio et temuto ꝓ tutte queſte yſole ꝓ eſſere molto potente et chia maſſe raia Jussu Queſta yſola de Jayalolo e tanto grando que tardano catro meſi a circundarla cõ vno prao. Domenicha matina queſto medeſimo re venne ale naui et volſe vedere in que modo combateuão et como ſcaricauamo le nr̃e bombarde dilque piglio grandiſſimo piacer̃ et ſubito ſe parti Coſtui Como ne fu detto era ſtato nela ſua Jouenta grã Combatitor̃.

On Friday, November fifteen, the king told us that he was going to Bachian to get the cloves abandoned there by the Portuguese.He asked us for two presents so that he might give them to the two governors of Mutir in the name of the king of Spagnia.Passing in between the ships he desired to see how we fired our musketry, crossbows, and the culverins, which are larger than an arquebus.He shot three times with a crossbow, for it pleased him more than the muskets.⁴⁹⁴ On Saturday, the Moro king of Giailolo came to the ships with a considerable number of praus. To some of the men we gave some green damask silk, two brazas of red cloth, mirrors, scissors, knives, combs, and two gilt drinking cups. That king told us that since we were friends of the king of Tadore, we were also his friends, for he loved that king as one of his own sons; and whenever any of our men would go to his land, he would show him the greatest honor. That king is very aged and is feared among all those islands, for he is very powerful. His name is Raia Jessu. That island of Jayalolo is so large that it takes four months to circumnavigate it in a prau. On Sunday morning that same king came to the ships and desired to see how we fought and how we discharged our guns. He took the greatest pleasure in it. After they had been discharged he immediately departed. He had been a great fighter in his youth as we were told.

NeL medeſimo giorno anday in terra ꝓ vedere Como naſcheuano li garofali Lo arburo ſuo he alto et groſſo Como vno homo altrauerſo et piu et meno li ſui ramj ſpandeno alquante largo neL mezo ma neL fine fanno in mo do de vna cima la ſuo foglia e como q^ella deL lauro la ſcorſa e oliuaſt^a ly garofoli veneno Jn cima de li ramiti diece ho vinti inſiemi Queſti arbory fanno ſempre caſi piu duna banda q̃ de lalt^a Segondo li tempi Quando naſcono li garofali ſonno bianqⁱ maturj roſſi et ſecqⁱ negri ſe cogleno due volte alanno vna dela natiuita deL nr̃o redemptore [Quando lanno e piu: crossed out in original MS.] lalt^a in q^ella de s^to Johã bap^ta ꝓ che in queſti dui tempi e piu temperato larie ma piu in q^ella deL nr̃o redemptore Quando lanno e piu caldo et cõ mancho piogie et coglienno trecento et quatrocento bahar in ogni vna de queſte yſolle naſcono ſolamẽte neli monti et ſe alguni de queſti arborj ſonno piantati aL pianno apreſſo li monti nõ viueno la ſuo foglia la ſcorza et il legnio ꝟde et coſi forte como li garofoli ſe non ſi coglieno quãdo ſonno maturi diuentano grandi et tanti duri q̃ non e bono alt^o de loro ſinon la ſua ſcorſa nõ naſcono aL mondo altⁱ garofali ſinon in cinque mõti de queſte cinque yſolle ſe ne trouano ben alguni in giailolo et in vna yſola picola fra tadore et mutir detta mare ma non ſonno buoni Vede uamo nuy caſi ogni giorno vna nebula diſcendere et circundare mo luno mo lalt^o de queſti monti ꝓ ilque li garofoli diuentano ꝓfecti Ciaſcuno de queſti populi anno de queſti arbori et ogni vno cuſtodiſcono li ſui ma non li coltiuano Jn queſta yſola ſe trouano alguni arbori de noce moſcada larbore e como le noſtre noguere et con le medeſime foglie la noce quando ſe coglie he grande como vno Codognio picolo cõ q^eL pelo et deL medeſimo colore la ſua pⁱma ſcorza et groſſa como la verde dele nr̃e noce Soto de q̃ſta he vna tella ſotille Soto laq^alle ſta la matia roſſisimo riuolta intorno la Scorſa della noce et de dent^o da queſta e La noce moſcade le caſe de queſti populi Sonno facte como le altre ma non cuſſi alte da terra et ſonno circunda te de canne in modo de uno ſieue queſte femine ſonno bructe et vano nude Como le altre con q^elli panny de ſcorca de arbore fanno queſti panni intaL modo piglianno vno pezo de ſcorſa et lo laſcianno nelacqua fin que diuenta molle et poy lo bateno cõ legni et lo fanno longo et Largo Como voleno diuenta como vno vello de ſeda cruda cõ certi filecti de dent^o q̃ pareſta teſuto mangiano panne de legnio de arbore como la palma facto in queſto modo piglianno vno pezo de queſto legnio mole et li Cauano fuora certi ſpini negri longui poi Lo peſtanno et coſi fanno Lo panne luzano quaſi ſolo ꝓ portare in mare et lo chia mano ſaghu Queſti homini vano nudi Como li altⁱ ma ſonno tãto geloſi dele ſue moglie che nõ voleuano andaſſemo nuj in terra cõ Le braguet diſcoperte ꝓ che diceuano le ſue donne penſare nuy ſemp̃ eſſere in ordine.

That same day, I went ashore to see how the clove grows. The clove tree is tall and as thick as a man’s body or thereabout. Its branches spread out somewhat widely in the middle, but at the top they have the shape of a summit.Its leaves resemble those of the laurel, and the bark is of a dark color.⁴⁹⁵ The cloves grow at the end of the twigs, ten or twenty in a cluster. Those trees have generally more cloves on one side than on the other, according to the season. When the cloves sprout they are white, when ripe, red, and when dried, black. They are gathered twice per year, once at the nativity of our Savior, [when the year is more: crossed out in original MS.] and the other at the nativity of St.John the Baptist; for the climate is more moderate at those two seasons, but more so at the time of the nativity of our Savior.When the year is very hot and there is little rain, those people gather three or four hundred bahars [of cloves] in each of those islands.Those trees grow only in the mountains, and if any of them are planted in the lowlands near the mountains, they do not live.The leaves, the bark, and the green wood are as strong as the cloves.If the latter are not gathered when they are ripe, they become large and so hard that only their husk is good.No cloves are grown in the world except in the five mountains of those five islands, except that some are found in Giailolo and in a small island between Tadore and Mutir, by name Mare,⁴⁹⁶ but they are not good. Almost every day we saw a mist descend and encircle now one and now another of those mountains, on account of which those cloves become perfect. Each of those people possesses clove trees, and each one watches over his own trees although he does not cultivate them. Some nutmeg trees are found in that island. The tree resembles our walnut tree, and has leaves like it.When the nut is gathered it is as large as a small quince, with the same sort of down, and it is of the same color.Its first rind is as thick as the green rind of our walnut.Under that there is a thin layer, under which is found the mace.The latter is a brilliant red and is wrapped about the rind of the nut, and within that is the nutmeg.⁴⁹⁷ The houses of those people are built like those of the others, but are not raised so high from the ground, and are surrounded with bamboos like a hedge. The women there are ugly and go naked as do the others, [covered only] with those cloths made from the bark of trees. Those cloths are made in the following manner. They take a piece of bark and leave it in the water until it becomes soft. Then they beat it with bits of wood and [thus] make it as long and as wide as they wish. It becomes like a veil of raw silk, and has certain threads within it, which appear as if woven.⁴⁹⁸ They eat wooden bread made from a tree resembling the palm, which is made as follows. They take a piece of that soft wood from which they take certain long black thorns. Then they pound⁴⁹⁹ the wood, and so make the bread. They use that bread, which they call saghu [i.e., sago], almost as their sole food at sea.The men there go naked as do the others [of those regions], but they are so jealous of their wives that they do not wish us to go ashore with our drawers exposed;⁵⁰⁰ for they assert that their women imagine that we are always in readiness.

Ogni giorno veniuão de tarenate molte barche caricate de garofali ma ꝓ che aſpectauamo il re nõ contractauamo alt^o ſinon victuuaglia Queli de tarenate ſe lementauano molte ꝓ che nõ voleuamo Contractare cõ loro Domenicha de nocte a vinticat^o de nouembr̃ venendo aL luni Lo re vene ſuonando con q^elle ſue borchie et paſſando ꝓ mezo li naui diſca ricaſſemo molte bombarde ne diſſe in fine aquat^o giornj venirianno molty garofali luni lo re ne mando ſetecento et noranta vno cathili de garofali ſenza leuar La tara la tara e pigliare le ſpeciarie ꝓ mancho de q^eL que pezanno ꝓ che ogni giorno ſe ſechano piu ꝓ eſſere li pⁱmy garofali haueuamo meſſi neli nauj diſcaricaſſemo molte bombarde Quiui chiamano li garofali ghomode in ſaranghani doue pigliaſſemo li dui piloti bonghalauan et in malaca chianche.

A number of boats came from Tarenate daily laden with cloves, but, as we were awaiting the king, we did not barter for anything except food. The men who came from Tarenate were very sorry because we refused to trade with them.On Sunday night, November twenty-four, and toward Monday, the king came with gongs a-playing, and passed between the ships, [whereat] we discharged many pieces.He told us that cloves would be brought in quantity within four days.Monday the king sent us seven hundred and ninety-one⁵⁰¹ cathils of cloves, without reckoning the tare. The tare is to take the spices for less than they weigh, for they become dryer daily. As those were the first cloves which we had laden in our ships, we fired many pieces. Cloves are called ghomode there; in Saranghani where we captured the two pilots, bongalauan;⁵⁰² and in Malaca, chianche

Marti a vintiſei de nouembr̃ il re ne diſce como non era coſtume de alguno re de partirſi de ſua yſola ma lui ſe era partito ꝓ amore deL re de caſtiglia et per che andaſſemo piu preſto in ſpagnia et retornaſſemo cõ tante naui q̃ poteſſemo vendicare la morte de ſua padre q̃ fo amazato in vna Jſola chiamata buru et poi botato neL mare et diſſenne Como era vzãſa quando li pⁱmi garofali eranno poſti nele naui o vero neli Junci lo re fare vno conuito aq^ellj dele naui et pregare Lo ſuo dio li conduceſſi ſalui neLo ſuo porto et anche lo volia far ꝓ cagiõe deL re de bachian et vno ſuo fratello che veniuano ꝓ vizitarne faceua netareli vie alguni de nui penſando q^alque tradimẽto ꝓ che quiui doue pigliauamo lacha foreno amazati da certi de queſti aſcoſi neli boſchi tre portugheſi de franc^o ſeranno et ꝓ che vedeuamo queſti Jndi ſuſurare con li noſtⁱ preſoni, diceſſemo contra alquanti volentoroſi de queſto conuito nõ ſi douere andare in terra ꝓ conuiti ricordandogli deq^eL alt^o tanto infelice faceſſemo tanto ſe concluſe de mandare dire aL re veniſſe preſto ne le nauj ꝓ che voleuamo ſi partire et conſegniarli li catro homini ꝓmiſſi con altre mercantie Jl re ſubito venne et Jntrando nele naui diſſe adalungunj ſui cõ tanta fidutia entraua in queſte como nele ſue caze. Ne diſſe eſere grandamẽte ſpauentato ꝓ volerne partire coſi preſto eſendo il termine de Carigare le naui trenta giornj et non eſerſi partito ꝓ farne algun maL ma ꝓ fornire piu preſto li naui de garofoli et como nõ ſi doueuamo par tire alora ꝓ non eſſere anchora lo tempo de nauigare ꝓ queſte yſolle et ꝓ li molti baſſi ſe trouano zirca bandan et ꝓ che facilmente hauereſemo potuto incontrarſi in q^alque naui de portugheſi et ſe pur era la nr̃a opigniõe de partirſi alhora pigliaſsemo tute le nr̃e merchadantie ꝓ che tucti li re circunuicini direbenno iL re de tadore hauer̃ receuuti tanty pñti da vno ſi grã re et lui nõ hauerli dato coſa alguna et penſarebẽo nuy eſſerſi partitj ſinon ꝓ paura de q^alque inganno et ſempre chiama rebenno lui ꝓ vno traditor̃ poi fece portare lo ſuo alchoranno et pⁱma baſan dolo et metendoſelo catro o cinque volte ſoura lo capo et dicendo fra ſe certe parolle, Quando fanno cuſſi Chiamano Zambahean, diſſe in pñtia de tucti q̃ Juraua ꝓ ala et ꝓ lo alcoranno haueua in mano ſemp̃ volere eſſere fidelle amicho aL re deſpagnia diſſe tuto queſto caſi piangendo per le ſue bone parolle le ꝓmeteſſemo de aſpectare anchora quindici giornj Alhora li deſſemo la firma deL re et la bandera realle niente di meno Jntendeſſemo poy ꝓ buona via alguni principali de queſte yſole hauerli dicto ne doueſſe amazare ꝓ che farebe grandiſſimo piacere ali portugueſi et como loro ꝓ donnarianno aq^elli de bachian et iL re hauerli riſpo ſto non lo faria ꝓ coſa alguna cognioſſendo Lo re deſpagnia et hauẽdone data la ſua pace.

On Tuesday, November twenty-six, the king told us that it was not the custom of any king to leave his island, but that he had left [his] for the love that he bore the king of Castiglia, and so that we might go to Spagnia sooner and return with so many ships that we could avenge the murder of his father who was killed in an island called Buru,⁵⁰³ and then thrown into the sea. He told us that it was the custom, when the first cloves were laden in the ships or in the junks, for the king to make a feast for the crews of the ships, and to pray⁵⁰⁴ their God that He would lead those ships safe to their port. He also wished to do it because of the king of Bachian and one of his brothers who were coming to visit him. He had the streets cleaned. Some of us imagining that some treachery was afoot, because three Portuguese in the company of Francesco Seranno had been killed in the place where we took in water, by certain of those people who had hidden in the thickets, and because we saw those Indians whispering with our prisoners, declared in opposition to some who wished to go to the feast that we ought not go ashore for feasts, for we remembered that other so unfortunate one.We were so urgent that it was concluded to send a message to the king asking him to come soon to the ships, for we were about to depart, and would give him the four men whom we had promised him, besides some other merchandise.The king came immediately and entered the ships.He told some of his men that he entered them with as great assurance as into his own houses.He told us that he was greatly astonished at our intention of departing so soon, since the limit of time for lading the ships was thirty days; and that he had not left the island to do us any harm, but to supply the ships with cloves sooner.He said that we should not depart then for that was not the season for sailing among those islands, both because of the many shoals found about Bandan and because we might easily meet some Portuguese ships [in those seas].However, if it were our determination to depart then, we should take all our merchandise, for all the kings roundabout would say that the king of Tadore had received so many presents from so great a king, and had given nothing in return; and that they would think that we had departed only for fear of some treachery, and would always call him a traitor.Then he had his koran⁵⁰⁵ brought, and first kissing it and placing it four or five times above his head, and saying certain words to himself as he did so (which they call zambahean⁵⁰⁶), he declared in the presence of all, that he swore by Allah and by the koran⁵⁰⁷ which he had in his hand, that he would always be a faithful friend to the king of Spagnia. He spoke all those words nearly in tears. In return for his good words, we promised to wait another fortnight. Thereupon, we gave him the signature of the king and the royal banner. None the less we heard afterward on good authority that some of the chiefs of those islands⁵⁰⁸ had proposed to him to kill us, saying it would be doing the greatest kind of pleasure to the Portuguese, and that the latter would forgive those of Bachian.⁵⁰⁹ But the king had replied that he would not do it under any consideration, since he had recognized the king of Spagnia and had made peace with him.

Mercore a vinteſette de nouembr̃ dopo diſnare lo re fece fare vn bando a tutj q^elli haueuano garofali li poteſſeno portare nele nauj tuto queſto gior no et lalt^o contrataſſemo garofoli cõ grã furia venner ſul tardi vene lo gouuernator̃ de machian con molti prao nõ volſe deſmontare in tera ꝓche ſtauão iui ſuo padre et vno ſuo fratello banditi da machian JL giorno ſequente lo nr̃o re cõ lo gouuernator̃ Suo nepote entraronno nele naui nuy ꝓ nõ hauer̃ piu panno ne mando alore tre bracia deL ſuo et neL dete loq^alle con altre coſſe donnaſſemo aL gouuernator̃ partendoſi ſe diſcarico molte bombarde dapoy lo re ne mando ſey bracia de panno roſſo acio lo donnaſemo aL gouuernator̃ ſubito Lo li preſentaſſemo ꝓ ilque ne ringratio molto et diſſe ne mandarebe aſsay garofoli Queſto gouuernatore ſe chiama humar et era forſi vinticinque anny.

After dinner on Wednesday, November twenty-seven, the king had an edict proclaimed that all those who had cloves could bring them to the ships.All that and the next day we bartered for cloves with might and main.On Friday afternoon, the governor of Machian came with a considerable number of praus.He refused to disembark, for his father and one of his brothers who had been banished from Machian were living in Tadore.Next day, our king and his nephew, the governor, entered the ships.As we had no more cloth, the king sent to have three brazas of his brought and gave it to us,⁵¹⁰ and we gave it with other things to the governor. At his departure we discharged many pieces. Afterward the king sent us six brazas of red cloth, so that we might give it to the governor. We immediately presented it to the latter, and he thanked us heartily for it, telling us that he would send us a goodly quantity of cloves.That governor’s name is Humar, and he was about twenty-five years old.

Domenica pⁱmo de decembre Queſto gouuernator̃ Se parti ne fu deto iL re de tadore hauergli dato panny de ſeta et algune de q^elle borchie acio Cuſtuy piu preſto li mandaſſe li garofoli luni iL re ando fuora de la yſola ꝓ garofoli mercore matina ꝓ eſſere giorno de S^tabarbara et ꝓ la venuta deL re ſe deſcarico tuta lartigliaria la nocte Lo re venne ne la riua et volſe vedere Como tirauamo li rochetti et bombi de fuoco dilque lo re piglio grã piacere Joue et vennere ſe Compero molti garofoli cuſſi nella cita como nelle naui ꝓ catro bracia de frizetto ne danão vno bahar de garofoli ꝓ due Cadenelle de Latonne q̃ valeuão vno marcello ne detero cento libre de garofoli in fine ꝓ nõ hauer piu merchadantie ogni vno li daua qⁱ le cape eqⁱ li ſagli et qⁱ le Camiſe cõ altre veſtimentj ꝓ hauer̃ La ſua quintalada Sabato tre figlioli diL re de tarenate con tre ſue moglie figliole deL nr̃o re et pietro alfonſo portugheſi venironno ale nauj donaſſemo ogni vno deli tre fratelli vn bichier de vetro dorato ale tre donne forfice et altre coſe Quando ſe partironno forenno ſcaricate molte bombarde poy mandaſſemo in tera a la figliola deL nr̃o re Ja moglie diL re de tarennatte molte coſe perche nõ volſe vegnire cõ le alt^e a le nauj tutta Queſta gente cuſſi homini Comme donne vanno ſempre deſcalſi.

On Sunday, the first of December, that governor departed.We were told that the king of Tadore had given him some silk cloth and some of those gongs⁵¹¹ so that he might send the cloves quicker. On Monday the king went out of the island to get cloves. On Wednesday morning, as it was the day of St. Barbara,⁵¹² and because the king came, all the artillery was discharged. At night the king came to the shore, and asked to see how we fired our rockets and fire bombs,⁵¹³ at which he was highly delighted. On Thursday and Friday we bought many cloves, both in the city and in the ships. For four brazas of ribbon, they gave us one bahar of cloves; for two brass chains, worth one marcello,⁵¹⁴ they gave us one hundred libras of cloves. Finally, when we had no more merchandise, one man gave his cloak, another his doublet, and another his shirt, besides other articles of clothing, in order that they might have their share in the cargo. On Saturday, three of the sons of the king of Tarenate and their three wives, the daughters of our king, and Pietro Alfonso, the Portuguese, came to the ships. We gave each of the three brothers a gilt glass drinking-cup,⁵¹⁵ and scissors and other things to the women. Many pieces were discharged at their departure. Then we sent ashore many things to the daughter of our king, now the wife of the king of Tarennatte, as she refused to come to the ships with the others. All those people, both men and women, always go barefoot.

Domenica a octo di decembre ꝓ eſſere giorno dela Conſeptiõe ſe ſcarico molte bonbarde Rocheti et bombe di fuoco luni ſul tardi lo re venne ale naui cõ tre femine li portauão il betre altⁱ non pone menare ſeco donne ſe nõ iL re dopo venne lo re de Jaialolo et volſe vedere nuy vnalt^a fiata cõbatere inſieme dopo alquanti giornj il nr̃o re ne diſſe lui aſſimigliare vna fanciulo che lattaſſe et cognioceſſe la ſua dulce madre et q^ella parten doſi lo laſſiare ſolo magiormente lui reſtare deſcoſolato ꝓ che gia ne haueua Cognioſſuto et guſtato alchune coſe di ſpagnia et ꝓ che doueuão tardare molto aL retornare Cariſſamamente ne prego li laſciaſſemo ꝓ ſua defentiõe alquanti de li [ſui: crossed out in original MS.] ꝟſi nr̃i et ne auiſo Quanto foſſemo partiti nauigaſſemo ſe non de giorno ꝓ li molti baſſi sonno in queſte yſolle li reſpondeſſemo ſe voleuão andar in ſpagnia nera forſa nauigar̃ de giorno et de nocte alhora diſſe farebe ꝓ nui ogni giorno oratiõe aL ſuo ydio açio ne conduceſſe a ſaluamẽto et diſſene Como deueua venire le re de bachian ꝓ maritare vno ſuo fratello cõ vno dele ſue figliole ne prego voleſſemo far alchuna feſta in ſegnio dallegreza ma nõ ſcaricaſſemo le bombarde groſſe ꝓ che farebenno grã danno ale nauj ꝓ eſſere carigate in queſti giorni venne pietro alfonſo portugueſe Con la ſua donna et tute le altre ſue coſe aſtare ne le naui deli a duy giornj venne ale naui chechili de roix figliolo deL re de tarennate in vn prao ben fornito et diſſe aL portugueſe decendeſſe vn poco aL ſuo prao li riſpoſe nõ li voleua diſcendere ꝓ che veniua noſco in ſpagnia Alhora lui volſe intrare nele naui ma nuy nõ lo volſemo laſciar Jntrar̃ Coſtui ꝓ eſſere grãde amicho deL cap^o de malaca portugheſe era venuto ꝓ pigliarlo et grido molto aq^elli ſtantiauão apreſſo iL portugueſe ꝓ cio Lo haueuão Laſciato partire ſenſa ſua liſentia.

On Sunday, December eight, as it was the day of the conception, we fired many pieces, rockets, and fire bombs.⁵¹⁶ On Monday afternoon the king came to the ships with three women, who carried his betel for him. No one except the king can take women with him. Afterward the king of Jailolo came and wished to see us fight together again. Several days later our king told us that he was like a child at the breast who knew his dear mother, who departing would leave him alone. Especially would he be disconsolate, because now he had become acquainted with us, and enjoyed some of the products of Spagnia. Inasmuch as our return would be far in the future, he earnestly entreated us to leave him some of [his: crossed out in original MS.] our culverins⁵¹⁷ for his defense. He advised us to sail only by day when we left, because of the numerous shoals amid those islands. We replied to him that if we wished to reach Spagnia we would have to sail day and night. Thereupon, he told us that he would pray daily to his God for us, asking Him to conduct us in safety. He told us that the king of Bachian was about to come to marry one of his brothers to one of his [the king of Tidore’s] daughters, and asked us to invent some entertainment in token of joy; but that we should not fire the large pieces, because they would do great damage to the ships as they were laden. During that time, Pietro Alfonso, the Portuguese, came with his wife and all his other possessions to remain in the ships. Two days later, Chechili de Roix, son of the king of Tarennate, came in a well-manned prau, and asked the Portuguese to go down into it for a few moments. The Portuguese answered that he would not go down, for he was going to Spagnia with us, whereupon the king’s son tried to enter the ship, but we refused to allow him to come aboard, as he was a close friend to the Portuguese captain of Malaca, and had come to seize the Portuguese.He severely scolded those who lived near the Portuguese because they had allowed the latter to go without his permission.

Domenica a quindici de decembre ſul tardi iL re de bachian et iL ſuo fratello veni rono in vno prao cõ tre many de vogatorj ꝓ ogni banda eranno tucti cento et vinti con molte bandiere de piuma de papagalo bianque Jalle et roſſe et con molti ſoni de q^elle borquie ꝓ que aqueſto ſonny li vogatori voganno atempo et cõ dui altⁱ prao de donzelle ꝓ pñtarle a la ſpoſa Quando paſſarono apreſſo li naui li ſalutaſſemo con bonbarde et loro ꝓ ſalutarne circundorono ly naui et iL porto Jl re noſt^o ꝓ eſſere coſtume nungune re de deſcendere ne le terre de altrui venne ꝓ congratularſe ſecho. Quando iL re de bachian lo viſte venire ſe leuo daL tapeto oue ſedeua et poſeſſi de vna banda iL nr̃o re non volſe ſedere ſoura lo tapeto ma da lalt^a parte et coſi niuno ſtaua ſop^a Lo tapeto iL re de bachian dete aL nr̃o re cinquecento patolle ꝓ che deſſe ſua figliola ꝓ moglie aL ſuo fratello Queſte patolle ſonno panny de oro et de ſeta facti nela chijna et molti preciati fra coſtoro. Quando vno de queſti more li altⁱ ſoi ꝓ farli piu honnore Se veſtonno de queſti panny danno ꝓ vno de queſti tre bahar de garofali et piu et meno ſecondo q̃ ſonno.

On Sunday afternoon, December fifteen, the king of Bachian and his brother came in a prau with three tiers of rowers at each side. In all there were one hundred and twenty rowers, and they carried many banners made of white, yellow, and red parrot feathers. There was much sounding of those gongs, for the rowers kept time in their rowing to those sounds. He brought two other praus filled with girls to present them to his betrothed. When they passed near the ships, we saluted them by firing pieces, and they in order to salute us went round the ships and the port. Our king came to congratulate him as it is not the custom for any king to disembark on the land of another king. When the king of Bachian saw our king coming, he rose from the carpet on which he was seated, and took his position at one side of it. Our king refused to sit down upon the carpet, but on its other side, and so no one occupied the carpet. The king of Bachian gave our king five hundred patols, because the latter was giving his daughter to wife to the former’s brother. The said patols are cloths of gold and silk manufactured in Chiina, and are highly esteemed among them. Whenever one of those people dies the other members of his family⁵¹⁸ clothe themselves in those cloths in order to show him more honor. They give three bahars of cloves for one of those robes or thereabouts, according to the [value of the] robe.

Luni iL nr̃e re mando vno conuito aL re de bachian ꝓ cinquanta donne tucte veſtite de panny de ſeta dela cinta fina aL genochio.Andauano a due a due cõ vno homo in mezo de loro ogniuna portaua vno piato grande pienno de altri piatelli de diuerſe viuande li homini portauão ſolamẽte Lo vino in vazi grandi dieze donne dele piu vechie eranno le maçiere andaro no in queſto modo fina aL prao et apreſentarono ogni coſa aL re q̃ ſede ua ſoura lo tapeto ſoto vno baldachino roſſo et giallo tornando coſtoro indie tro pigliarono alguni deli nr̃j et ſe loro volſero eſſere liberi li biſognio darli q^alche ſua coſeta Dopo queſto il re nr̃o ne mando capre cochi vino et altre coſe hogi meteſſemo le velle noue ale naui neleq^alle era vna croce de s^to Jacobo de galitia cõ litere q̃ diceuão Queſta he la figura de la nr̃a bonna ventura.

On Monday our king sent a banquet to the king of Bachian by fifty women all clad in silk garments from the waist to the knees.They went two by two with a man between each couple.Each one bore a large tray filled with other small dishes which contained various kinds of food.The men carried nothing but the wine in large jars.Ten of the oldest women acted as macebearers.⁵¹⁹ Thus did they go quite to the prau where they presented everything to the king who was sitting upon the carpet under a red and yellow canopy. As they were returning, those women captured some of our men⁵²⁰ and it was necessary to give them some little trifle in order to regain their freedom. After that our king sent us goats, cocoanuts, wine, and other things. That day we bent the new sails in the ships. On them was a cross of St. James of Galitia,⁵²¹ with an inscription which read: “This is the sign [figura] of our good fortune.”

Marti donaſſemo al nr̃o re certi pezi de artigliaria Como archibuſi q̃ haueuão pigliati in queſta india et alguni verſi deli nr̃j cõ cat^o barilli de poluer̃ pigliaſſemo quiui octanta botte de hacqua ꝓ ciaſcuna naue gia cinque giorni lo re haueua mandato cento homini afare legnia ꝓ noy ala yſola de mare ꝓ che conueniuamo paſſare ꝓ iui ogi lo re de bachian cõ molti altⁱ deli ſuoi dicendete in terra ꝓ fare pace cõ nui dinanzi de luy an dauano quat^o homini cõ ſtochi driti in mano diſſe in pñtia deL nr̃o re et de tucti li altⁱ Como ſempre ſtarebe in ſeruitio deL re deſpagnia et ſaluaria in ſuo nome li garofoli laſciati dali porthugueſi finque veni ſe vnalt^a nr̃a armata et may li darebe a loro ſenza lo nr̃o conſentimẽto mando adonare aL re deſpagnia vno ſchiauo duy bahar de garofoli gli ne mandaua x male naui ꝓ eſſere tropo Cargate nõ li poterono portar̃ et dui vcceli morti beliſſimi Queſti vcceli ſonno groſſi Como tordi anno Lo capo picolo cõ Lo becquo longo le ſue gambe ſonno longue vn palmo et ſotilli Como vn Calamo non anno ale ma in loco de q^elle penne longue de diuerſi colori como gr̃a penachi la ſua coda he como q^ella deL tordo tute le altre ſue penne eccepto le alle ſonno deL colore de taneto et may nõ volano ſenon Quando he vento Coſtoro ne dicero queſti vcceli venire daL paradiſo tereſtre et le chiamano bolon diuata çioe vceli de dio ognj vno deli re de maluco ſcriſſero aL re deſpagnia q̃ ſemꝓ volenão eſerly Suy veri ſubditi JL re de bachian era forſi de ſetanta anny et haueua queſta vzanſa Quando voleua andare a Combatere ho vero a fare q^alche alt^a coſa importante pⁱma ſil faceua fare due ho tre volte da vno ſuo ſeruitor̃ che nol teniua adalt^o efecto ſinon ꝓ queſte.

On Tuesday, we gave our king certain pieces of artillery resembling arquebuses, which we had captured among those India [islands], and some of our culverins,⁵²² together with four barrels of powder. We took aboard at that place eighty butts of water in each ship. Five days previously the king had sent one hundred men to cut wood for us at the island of Mare, by which we were to pass. On that day the king of Bachian and many of his men came ashore to make peace with us. Before the king walked four men with drawn daggers in their hands. In the presence of our king and of all the others he said that he would always remain in the service of the king of Spagnia, and that he would save in his name the cloves left by the Portuguese until the arrival of another of our fleets, and he would never give them to the Portuguese without our consent.He sent as a present to the king of Spagnia a slave, two bahars of cloves (he sent x, but the ships could not carry them as they were so heavily laden), and two extremely beautiful dead birds.Those birds are as large as thrushes, and have a small head and a long beak.Their legs are a palmo in length and as thin as a reed,⁵²³ and they have no wings, but in their stead long feathers of various colors, like large plumes. Their tail resembles that of the thrush. All the rest of the feathers except the wings are of a tawny color. They never fly except when there is wind. The people told us that those birds came from the terrestrial paradise, and they call them bolon diuata,⁵²⁴ that is to say, “birds of God.” On that day each one of the kings of Maluco wrote to the king of Spagnia [to say] that they desired to be always his true subjects. The king of Bachian was about seventy⁵²⁵ years old. He observed the following custom, namely, whenever he was about to go to war or to undertake any other important thing, he first had it done two or three times on one of his servants whom he kept for no other purpose.

Vn giorno il nr̃o re mando a dire aq^elli nr̃i q̃ ſtauão nela caſa de la merchã tia non andaſſero de nocte fora de caſa ꝓ certi deli ſui homini que ſe ongeno et vano de nocte et parenno ſiano ſenza capo Quando vno de queſti truoua vna deli altⁱ li toca la mano et li la ongie vn pocho dent^o ſubito colui ſe infirma et fra tre o quat^o giornj more et quando queſti trouano tre o cat^o inſieme nõ li fanno alt^o male ſinon q̃ linbalordiſ cono et che lui ne haueua facto impicare molti Quando queſti po puli fanno vna caſa de nuouo pⁱma li vadanno ad habitare dent^o li fanno fuoco intorno et molti conuiti poy atachano alteto de la caſa vn poco dogni coſa Se troua nela yſola acio nõ poſſino may manchare taL coſe ali habitanti in tucte queſte yſole ſe troua gin gero noy lo mangiauamo ꝟde como panne lo gingero non e arbore ma vna pianta picola che pulula fuora de la terra certi coresini lon gui vn palmo como q^elle deli canne et cõ le medeſime foglie ma piu ſtrecte queſti coreſini nõ valeno niente ma la ſua radice he iL gengero et non e cuſſi forte verde como ſecho Queſti populi lo ſechano in calſina ꝓ che altramente non durarebe.

One day our king sent to tell our men who were living in the house with the merchandise not to go out of the house by night, because of certain of his men who anoint themselves⁵²⁶ and roam abroad by night. They appear to be headless, and when any of them meets any other man, he touches the latter’s hand, and rubs a little of the ointment on him. The man falls sick very soon, and dies within three or four days.When such persons meet three or four together they do nothing else than⁵²⁷ to deprive them of their senses. [The king said] that he had had many of them hanged. When those people build a new house, before they go to dwell there they make a fire round about it and hold many feasts. Then they fasten to the roof of the house a trifle of everything found in the island so that such things may never be wanting to the inhabitants. Ginger is found throughout those islands. We ate it green like bread. Ginger is not a tree, but a small plant which puts forth from the ground certain shoots a palmo in length, which resemble reeds, and whose leaves resemble those of the reed, except that they are narrower.⁵²⁸ Those shoots are worthless, but the roots form the ginger. It is not so strong green as dry. Those people dry it in lime,⁵²⁹ for otherwise it would not keep.

Mercore matina ꝓ voler ſe partire de malucho iL re de tadore QueL de Jaialolo q^eL de bachian et vno figliolo deL re de tarennate tucti erão venuti ꝓ aCompagniarne infino aliſola de mare la naue victoria fece vela et diſcoſtoſi alquanto aſpectando la naue trinitade ma q^ella non potendo leuare lanchora ſubito fece hacqua neL fondo a lhora la victoria torno aL ſuo luocho et ſubito Cominciamo a ſcaricare La trinitade ꝓ vedere ſe poteuamo remediarli ſi ſentiua venire dent^o lacqua Como ꝓ vn canone et non trouauamo doue La entraua tuto ogi et el di ſeguente non faceſſemo alt^o ſinon dare aLa bomba ma niente li Jouauamo JL nr̃e re Jntendendo queſto ſubito venne nela naue et ſe afatigo ꝓ vedere doue veniua lacqua mãdo ne lacqua cinque de li ſuoy ꝓ vedere ſe haueſſeno potuto trouare la ſfiſſura ſteteno piu de meza hora soto lacqua et may la trouarono vedendo iL re coſtoro non potere Jouare et ogni ora creſcere piu la hacqua diſſe caſi piangendo mandarebe aL capo de la yſola ꝓ tre homini ſtauão molto ſoto hacqua Vennere matina a bona hora venne lo nr̃o re cõ li tre hominj et preſto mandoli ne lacqua con li capilli ſparſi açio cõ q^elli trouaſſero lo ſfiſſura Coſtoro ſtetero vna bonna hora ſoto hacqua et may la trouarono iL re quando viſte nõ poterli trouare remedio diſſe piangendo q̃ andaremo in ſpag^a daL mio s. et darli noua dime li reſpondeſſemo li andarebe la victoria ꝓ non perdere li leuanti liq^alli Cominciauão a la alt^a fin ſe conciaſſe eſpetarebe li ponenti et poy andaria aL darien che e neL alt^a parte deL mare nela tera de diucatan iL re ne diſſe haueua duzento vinticinque marangonj q̃ farebeno il tuto et li noſtⁱ q̃ reſtauão yui li tenirebe como ſui figlioli et non se afaticarebeno ſe non dui in Comandare ali marangonj como doueſcero fare dice ua queſte parolle cõ tanta paſionne q̃ ne fece tucti piangere nuy de la naue victoria dubitando ſe apariſſe la naue ꝓ eſſere tropo cari cata la ligeriſſemo de ſexanta quintali de garofoli et queſti face ſemo portare nela caſa doue eranno li altⁱ alguni de la nr̃a naue volſero reſtare quiui ꝓ paura q̃ la naue non poteſſe durare fin in ſpagnia ma molto piu ꝓ paura de morire de fame.

On Wednesday morning as we desired to depart from Malucho, the king of Tadore, the king of Jaialolo, the king of Bachian, and a son of the king of Tarennate, all came to accompany us to the island of Mare.The ship “Victoria” set sail, and stood out a little awaiting the ship “Trinitade.”But the latter not being able to weigh anchor, suddenly began to leak in the bottom.⁵³⁰ Thereupon, the “Victoria” returned to its anchorage, and we immediately began to lighten the “Trinitade” in order to see whether we could repair it. We found that the water was rushing in as through a pipe, but we were unable to find where it was coming in. All that and the next day we did nothing but work the pump,⁵³¹ but we availed nothing.When our king heard of it, he came immediately to the ships, and went to considerable trouble in his endeavors to locate the leak.He sent five of his men into the water to see whether they could discover the hole.They remained more than one-half hour under water, but were quite unable to find the leak.The king seeing that he could not help us and that the water was increasing hourly, said almost in tears that he would send to the head of the island for three men, who could remain under water a long time.Our king came with the three men early on Friday morning.He immediately sent them into the water with their hair hanging loose so that they could locate the leak by that means.They stayed a full hour under water but were quite unable to locate it.When the king saw that he could be of no assistance, he asked us weeping who of us would go “to Spagnia to my sovereign, and give him news of me.”⁵³² We replied to him that the “Victoria” would go there in order not to lose the east winds which were beginning to blow, while the other ship until being refitted would await the west winds and would go then to Darien which is located in the other part of the sea in the country of Diucatan [i.e., Yucutan].The king told us that he had two hundred and twenty-five carpenters who would do all the work, and that he would treat⁵³³ all who remained here as his sons. They would not suffer any fatigue beyond two of them⁵³⁴ to boss the carpenters in their work. He spoke those words so earnestly⁵³⁵ that he made us all weep. We of the ship “Victoria,” mistrusting that the ship might open, as it was too heavily laden, lightened it of sixty quintals of cloves, which we had carried into the house where the other cloves were.Some of the men of our ship desired to remain there, as they feared that the ship would not last out the voyage to Spagnia, but much more for fear lest they perish of hunger.

Sabato a vinti vno de decembre giorno de S thomaſo il re nr̃o venne ale naui et ne conſignio li dui piloti haueuamo pagati ꝓ che ne Conduceſſero fora de qʒſte yſolle et diſſeno Como alhora era bõ tempo da partirſe ma ꝓ lo ſcriuere de li nr̃j in ſpagnia nõ ſi partiſſemo ſinon amezo di Venuta lora le naui pigliarono liſentia luna de lalt^a con ſcaricare le bombarde et pareua loro lamentarſi ꝓ la ſua vltima partita li nr̃j ne aCompagniarono vn pocho cõ loro batello et poi cõ molte lagrime et abraciamentj ſi diſpartiſſemo lo gouuernator̃ deL re venne cõ nuy infino a La yſola deL mare non fuſſemo coſſi preſto Jonti com parſeno quat^o prao caricati de legnia et in mancho duna hora caricaſſemo la naue et ſubito pigliaſſemo la via deL garbin Quiui reſto Johan caruaio cõ cinquanta tre ꝓſonne deli nr̃j nuy eramo quaranta ſette et tredicj Jndj Queſta yſola de tadore tenne epiſchopo et alhora ne era vno Que haueua quarante moglie et aſsaiſſimi figlioli.

On the day of St.Thomas, Saturday, December twenty-one, our king came to the ships, and assigned us the two pilots whom we had paid to conduct us out of those islands.They said that it was the proper time to leave then, but as our men [who stayed behind] were writing to Spagnia, we did not leave until noon.⁵³⁶ When that hour came, the ships bid one another farewell amid the discharge of the cannon, and it seemed as though they were bewailing their last departure. Our men [who were to remain] accompanied us in their boats a short distance, and then with many tears and embraces we departed. The king’s governor accompanied us as far as the island of Mare. We had no sooner arrived at that island than we bought four praus laden with wood, and in less than one hour we stowed it aboard the ship and then immediately laid our course toward the southwest. Johan Carvaio stayed there with fifty-three⁵³⁷ of our men, while we comprised forty-seven men and thirteen Indians. The said island of Tadore has a bishop,⁵³⁸ and he who then exercised that office⁵³⁹ had forty wives and a multitude of children.

Jn tucte queſte yſolle de malucho ſe trouano garofoli genegero Sagu q^eL ſue panne di legnio riſo capre oche galine cochi figui mandolle piu groſſe de le nr̃e pomi granati dolci et garbi naranci limonj batate mele de ape picolle Como formicque leq^alli fanno la melle neli arbori Canne dolci olio de cocho et de giongioli Meloni Cocomari zucque vno fructo refreſcatiuo grande como le angurie deto comulicai et vno alt^o fructo caſi Como lo perſicho deto guaue et altre coſe da mangiare et ſeli trouano papagali de diuerſi ſorte ma fra le altre alguni bianchi chiamati Cathara et alguni tucti roſſi decti nori et vno de queſti roſſi vale vn bahar de garofoli et parlano piu chiaramente que li altri Sonno forſi cinquanta anny Que Queſti mori habitano in malucho pⁱma li habitauano gentilli et non apreciauano li garofali gli ne ſono anchora alguni ma habitano ne li monti doue naſcono li garofoli.

Throughout those islands of Malucho are found cloves, ginger, sago (which is their wood bread), rice, goats, geese, chickens, cocoanuts, figs [i.e., bananas], almonds larger than ours, sweet and tasty pomegranates, oranges, lemons, camotes [batate], honey produced by bees as small as ants, which make their honey in the trees, sugarcane, cocoanut oil, beneseed oil, watermelons, wild cucumbers, gourds, a refreshing fruit as large as cucumbers [augurie] called comulicai, another fruit, like the peach called guava, and other kinds of food.⁵⁴⁰ One also finds there parrots of various colors, and among the other varieties, some white ones called cathara, and some entirely red called nori⁵⁴¹ One of those red ones is worth one bahar of cloves, and that class speak with greater distinctness than the others. Those Moros have lived in Malucho for about fifty years. Heathens lived there before, but they did not care for the cloves. There are still some of the latter, but they live in the mountains where the cloves grow.

La yſola de tadore ſta de latitudine al polo articho in vintiſete menutj et de longitudine de la linea de la repartitiõe in cento et ſeſanta vna grado et longi de la pⁱma yſola de Larcipelago detta zanial [i.e., Zamal] noue gradi et mezo aLa carta deL meſo Jorno et tramõtana ꝟſo grego et garbin tarenate ſta de latitudine alartico in dui terſi Mutir ſta pontualmente ſocto La linea equinoctialle Machian ſta aL polo antarticho in vn quarto et bachiã ancora lui aL antarticho in vn grado Tarenate tadore mutir et machiã ſonno quat^o monti alti et pontini oue naſcono li garofoli eſsendo in queſte quat^o yſolle non ſe vede bachian ma lui emagiore de ciaſcuno de queſte quat^o yſolle et il ſuo monte de li garofoli non e cuſſi pontino como li altri ma piu grande.

The island of Tadore lies in a latitude of twenty-seven minutes toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-one degrees from the line of demarcation.It is nine and one-half degrees south of the first island of the archipelago called Zamal, and extends north by east and south by west.Tarenate lies in a latitude of two-thirds of a degree toward the Arctic Pole.Mutir lies exactly under the equinoctial line.Machian lies in one-quarter degree toward the Antarctic Pole, and Bachian also toward the Antarctic Pole in one degree.Tarenate, Tadore, Mutir, and Machian are four lofty and peaked mountains where the cloves grow.When one is in those four islands, he cannot see Bachian, but it is larger than any of those four islands.⁵⁴² Its clove mountain is not so sharp as the others, but it is larger.⁵⁴³

Vocabuli de queſti populi morj

Words of those Moro people⁵⁴⁴

li Venti

The winds

Numero

Numbers

Tucti li cento li mille li diece mille li cento mille et diece fiate cento mille se congiungenno cõ il numero de Satus et dua et &c.

All the hundreds, the thousands, the tens of thousands, the hundreds of thousands, and the millions are joined with the numbers, satus, dua, etc.⁵⁴⁸

Andando aL nr̃o camino paſaſſemo fra queſte yſolle Caioan laigoma Sico giogi Caphi in queſta yſola de caphi naſcono homini picoli Como li nanj piaceuoli liq^alli Sonno li pigmei et ſtanno ſubiecti ꝓforſa aL nr̃o re de tadore Laboan toliman Titameti bachian Ja deto Lalalata Tabobi Maga et batutiga paſſando fuora aL ponente de batutiga Caminaſſemo fra ponente et garbin et diſcoperſemo eL mezo giorno alquante yſolete ꝓ ilque li piloti de malucho ne dicero ſe ariuaſſe ꝓ cio ne caciauamo fra molte yſolle et bassi ariuaſſemo aL Siroco et deſcemo in vna yſolla q̃ ſta de latitudine aL polo antartico in dui gradi et cinquãta cinque legue Longi de maluco et chiamaſſe ſulach li homini de queſta ſonno gentili et non hanno re mangião carne humana vano nadi coſi homini Como femine ma ſolamẽte portano vn pezo de ſcorſa larga dui diti intorno la ſua ꝟgonia Molte yſolle ſonno ꝓ Quiui que mangiano carne humana li nomy de algune ſonno queſti Silan noselao biga atulabaou leitimor tene tun gondia pailarurun manadan et benaia poi coſtegiaſemo due yſole dete lamatola et tenetun da ſulach circa x.legue a La medeſima via trouaſſemo vna yſola aſſay grande nelaq^alle ſe troua riſo porci capre galine cochi canne dolci Sagu vno ſuo mangiare de fighi elq^alle chiamano Chanali Chiachare aqueſte chiamão nangha le chiachare ſonno fructi Como le angurie de fora nodoſe de dentro año certi fructi roſſi pocoli come armelini non hanno oſſo ma ꝓ q^ello hanno vna medola como vn fazolo ma piu grande et al mangiar tenere Como caſtagnie et vn fructo facto como la pignia de fuora Jallo et biancho de dentro et al tagliare Como vn pero ma piu tenero et molto megliore deto Connilicai la gente de queſta yſola vanno nudi Como q^elli de ſolach ſonno gentili et non hanno re Queſta yſola ſta de latitudine al polo antartico in tre gradi et mezo et longi da malucho Setantacinque [gradi: crossed out in original MS.] leghe et chiamaſſe buru la leuante de queſta yſola diece legue ne ſta vna grande q̃ confina cõ Jiaalolo laq^alle he habitata de mori et da gentili li morj ſtanno apreſſo iL mare et li gentili de dentro nella terra et queſto mãgião carne humana naſce in queſta le coſe Ja dete et ſe chiama ambon fra buru et ambon Se trouano tre yſole circondate da baſſi chiamate Vu dia Cailaruri et benaia circa de buru cat^o leghe aL mezo di ſta vna yſola picola et chiamaſſe ambalao.

Proceeding on our way we passed amid those islands [those of] Caioan, Laigoma, Sico, Giogi, and Caphi.⁵⁴⁹ In the said island of Caphi is found a race as small as dwarfs, who are amusing people, and are pigmies.⁵⁵⁰ They have been subjected by force to our king of Tadore. [We also passed the islands of] Laboan, Toliman, Titameti, Bachian, of which we have already spoken, Lalalata, Tabobi, Maga, and Batutiga.⁵⁵¹ Passing outside the latter on its western side, we laid our course west southwest, and discovered some islets toward the south. And inasmuch as the Malucho pilots told us to go thither, for we were pursuing our course among many islands and shoals, we turned toward the southeast, and encountered an island which lies in a latitude of two degrees toward the Antarctic Pole, and fifty-five leguas from Maluco. It is called Sulach,⁵⁵² and its inhabitants are heathens. They have no king, and eat human flesh. They go naked, both men and women, only wearing a bit of bark two fingers wide before their privies. There are many islands thereabout where the inhabitants eat human flesh.The names of some of them are as follows: Silan, Noselao, Biga, Atulabaou, Leitimor, Tenetun, Gondia, Pailarurun, Manadan, and Benaia.⁵⁵³ Then we coasted along two islands called Lamatola⁵⁵⁴ and Tenetun, lying about x leguas from Sulach. In that same course we encountered a very large island where one finds rice, swine, goats, fowls, cocoanuts, sugarcane, sago, a food made from one of their varieties of figs [i.e. , bananas] called chanali,⁵⁵⁴ and chiacare, which are called nanghaNangcas are a fruit resembling the cucumber [augurie]. They are knotty on the outside, and inside they have a certain small red fruit like the apricot. It contains no stone, but has instead a marrowy substance resembling a bean but larger. That marrowy substance has a delicate taste like chestnuts. [There is] a fruit like the pineapple. It is yellow outside, and white inside, and when cut it is like a pear, but more tender and much better. Its name is connilicaiThe inhabitants of that island go naked as do those of Solach.They are heathens and have no king.That island lies in a latitude of three and one-half degrees toward the Antarctic Pole, and is seventy-five⁵⁵⁵ [degrees: crossed out in original MS.] leguas from Malucho.Its name is Buru.Ten leguas east of the above island is a large island which is bounded by Jiaalolo.It is inhabited by Moros and heathens.The Moros live near the sea, and the heathens in the interior.The latter eat human flesh.The products mentioned above are produced in that island.It is called Ambon.⁵⁵⁶ Between Buru and Ambon are found three islands surrounded by reefs, called Vudia,⁵⁵⁷ Cailaruri, and Benaia; and near Buru, and about four leguas to the south, is a small island, called Ambalao.⁵⁵⁸

Longi da Queſta yſola de buru circa trentacinque leghe a la carta deL mezo Jorno verſo garbin Se truoua bandan bandan et dudici yſole in ſey de queſte naſce la matia et noſce moſcada et li nomi loro ſono queſti Zoroboa magiori de tucte le altre CheliceL Samiãapi pulac pulurun et roſoghin le altre ſey ſonno queſte Vnuueru pulan baracõ lailaca manucan Man et meut in queſte nõ li trouano noſce moſcade se nõ Sagu rizo cochi figui et altⁱ fructi et ſonno vicine luna de lalt^a Ly populi de queſto ſonno morj et non hanno re Bandan ſta de latitudine aL polo antarticho in Sei gradi et di longitudine dela linea repartitionalle in cento et ſexantre gradi et mezo et ꝓ eſſere vn pocho fuora deL nr̃o Camino nõ fuſſemo iui.

About thirty-five leguas to the south by west of the above island of Buru, are found Bandan.Bandan consists of twelve islands.Mace and nutmeg grow in six of them.Their names are as follows: Zoroboa, the largest of them all, and the others, Chelicel, Samianapi, Pulac, Pulurun, and Rosoghin.The other six are as follows: Unuueru, Pulanbaracon, Lailaca, Manucan, Man, and Meut.⁵⁵⁹ Nutmeg is not found in them, but only sago, rice, cocoanuts, figs [i.e., bananas], and other fruits.Those islands are located near together, and their inhabitants are Moros, who have no king.Bandan lies in a latitude of six degrees toward the Antarctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-three and one-half degrees from the line of demarcation.As it was a trifle outside of our course we did not go there.⁵⁶⁰

Partendone de quella yſola de baru a la carta deL garbin verſo ponente circa otto gradi de longitudine ariuaſſemo a tre yſolle vna apreſſo lalt^a dette zolot nocema mor et galiau et nauigando ꝓ mezo di queſte ne aſſalto vna grã fortuna ꝓ ilque faceſſemo vno pelegrino a la nr̃a donna de la guida et pigliando apopa lo temporale deſſeme in vna yſola alta et inanci ajungeſſemo iui Se afaticaſſemo molto ꝓ le refegue decendeuão de li ſui mõti et ꝓ li grandi Corenti de hacqua li homini de queſta yſola ſonno ſaluatici et beſtialli mã gianno carne humana et non hanno re vanno nudi cõ q^ella ſcorſa como li altⁱ ſenon Quando vanno a Combatere portanno certi pezi de pelle de bu phalo dinanzi et de drieto et neli fianchi adornati cõ corniolli et denti de porci et con code de pelle caprine atacate denanzi et de drietto portano ly capili in alto cõ certi petini de cana longui q̃ li paſſano da parte aparte et li tieneno alti anno le ſue barbe riuolte in foglie et poſti in canuttj de canna coſa ridicula aL vedere et ſonno li piu bruti ſianno in queſta india li ſui archi et le ſue freze Sonno de canna et anno Certi ſachi facti de foglie de arbore ne liq^alli portanno lo ſuo mangiare et bere Le ſue femine Quando ne viſtenno ne venirono in contra cõ archi ma dandoli alguni ꝓ ſenti Subito diuentaſſemo ſui amici Qiui tardaſſemo quindici giornj per Conciare La naue ne li Coſtadi Jn queſta yſola ſe troua galine Capre cochi cera ꝓ vna libra de fero vechio ne donorono quindici de cera et peuere lõgo et rotondo JL peuere longo he como q^elle gatelle q̃ fanno li nizolle quãdo he linuerno il suo arbure e Como elera et atacaſſe ali arbori Como quella ma le ſue foglie ſonno como q^elle diL moraro et lo chiamano luli JL peuere rotondo naſce Como queſto ma in ſpigue como lo fromẽtone della india et se deſgrana et lo chiamano lada in queſte parte ſonno piennj li campi de queſto peuere facti in modo de pergoladi pigliaſſemo quiui vno homo açio ne cõduceſſe ad alguna yſola haueſſe victuuaria Queſta yſola ſta de latitudine aL polo antarticho in octo gradi et mezo et cento et sesantanoue et dui terzi de longitudine de la linea repartitionalle et chiamaſſe malua.

Leaving the above mentioned island of Baru, and taking the course toward the southwest by west, we reached, [after sailing through] about eight degrees of longitude, three islands, quite near together, called Zolot, Nocemamor, and Galiau.⁵⁶¹ While sailing amid them, we were struck by a fierce storm, which caused us to make a pilgrimage to our Lady of Guidance. Running before the storm we landed at a lofty island, but before reaching it we were greatly worn out by the violent gusts of wind that came from the mountains of that island, and the great currents of water. The inhabitants of that island are savage and bestial, and eat human flesh. They have no king, and go naked, wearing only that bark as do the others, except that when they go to fight they wear certain pieces of buffalo hide before, behind, and at the sides, which are ornamented with small shells,⁵⁶² boars’ tusks, and tails of goat skins fastened before and behind. They wear their hair done up high and held by certain long reed pins which they pass from one side to the other, which keep the hair high. They wear their beards wrapped in leaves and thrust into small bamboo tubes—a ridiculous sight. They are the ugliest people who live in those Indias. Their bows and arrows are of bamboo. They have a kind of a sack made from the leaves of a tree in which their women carry their food and drink. When those people caught sight of us, they came to meet us with bows, but after we had given them some presents, we immediately became their friends.⁵⁶³ We remained there a fortnight in order to calk the sides⁵⁶⁴ of the ship. In that island are found fowls, goats, cocoanuts, wax (of which they gave us fifteen libras for one libra of old iron), and pepper, both long and round.⁵⁶⁵ The long pepper resembles the first blossoms of the hazelnut in winter.⁵⁶⁶ Its plant resembles ivy, and it clings to trees as does that plant; but its leaves resemble those of the mulberry. It is called luli⁵⁶⁷ The round pepper grows like the former, but in ears like Indian corn, and is shelled off; and it is called ladaThe fields in those regions are full of this [last variety of] pepper, planted to resemble arbors.⁵⁶⁸ We captured a man in that place so that he might take us to some island where we could lay in provisions. That island lies in a latitude of eight and one-half degrees toward the Antarctic Pole, and a longitude of one hundred and sixty-nine and two-thirds degrees from the line of demarcation; and is called Malua.⁵⁶⁹

Ne disse iL nr̃o piloto Vechio de maluco como apreſſo quiui era vna yſola chiamata arucheto li homini et femine delaq^alle non ſonno magiorj dun cubito et anno le orecquie grande como loro de vna fanno lo ſuo lecto et de lalt^a ſe copreno vanno tosi et tuti nudi corenno molto anno la voce ſotille habitano in caue ſoto terra et mangiano peſce et vna coſa q̃ naſce fra larbore et la ſcorſa che chiancha et rotonda como coriandoli de cõfeto deta ambulõ ma ꝓ li grã corenti de hacqua et molti baſſi nõ li andaſemo

Our old pilot from Maluco told us that there was an island nearby called Arucheto,⁵⁷⁰ the men and women of which are not taller than one cubit, but who have ears as long as themselves. With one of them they make their bed and with the other they cover themselves. They go shaven close and quite naked, run swiftly, and have shrill voices. They live in caves underground, and subsist on fish and a substance which grows between the wood and the bark [of a tree], which is white and round like preserved coriander, which is called ambulonHowever, we did not go there because of the strong currents in the water, and the numerous shoals.

Sabato a vinticinque de Jennaro m v^cxxij Se partiſſemo de la yſola de ma lua et la dominica a vinti ſey ariuaſſemo a vna grande yſola longi de q^ella cinque legue fra mezo di et garbin Jo ſolo andai in terra a parlare aL magiore duna vila deta amaban açio ne deſſe victuuaria me riſpoſe ne darebe buphali porci et capre ma nõſi poteſſemo aCordare per che voleua molte coſe ꝓ vno bufalo noi auendone pocque et conſtrigẽdone la fama reteneſſemo ne la naue vno principalle cõ vno ſuo figliolo de vnalt^a vila deta balibo et ꝓ paura nõ lo amazaſſemo Subito ne dette ſei buphali cinque capre et dui porci et ꝓ compire lo numero de diese porci et diece capre ne dete vno bufalo perche cuſſi Laueuamo dato taglia poi li mandaſſemo in tera Contentiſſimi cõ tella panny Jndiani de ſeta et de bombaſo accete cortelizi indiani forfice Spechi et cortelli q^eL Signiore a cui anday a parlare teniua ſolum femine Lo ſeruiuano tutte vano nude Como le altre et portano atacate ale orechie Schione picole de horo cõ fiocqⁱ de ſeta pendenti et ne li braci anno molte maniglie de oro et de latonne fin aL cubito li homini vanno Como le femine Se non anno atacate aL colo certe coſe de horo tonde Como vn tagliere et petini de canna adornatj con schione de oro poſti neli capili et algu ni de queſti portanno coli de zuche Seche poſti ne le orechie ꝓ schione de oro.

On Saturday, January 25, MCCCCCXXII,⁵⁷¹ we left the island of Malua. On Sunday, the twenty-sixth,⁵⁷² we reached a large island which lies five leguas to the south southwest of Malua. I went ashore alone to speak to the chief of a city called Amaban to ask him to furnish us with food. He told me that he would give me buffaloes,⁵⁷³ swine, and goats, but we could not come to terms because he asked many things for one buffalo. Inasmuch as we had but few things, and hunger was constraining us, we retained in the ship a chief and his son from another village called Balibo.⁵⁷⁴ He for fear lest we kill him, immediately gave us six buffaloes, five goats, and two swine; and to complete the number of ten swine and ten goats [which we had demanded] they gave us one [additional] buffalo. For thus had we placed the condition [of their ransom]. Then we sent them ashore very well pleased with linen, Indian cloth of silk and cotton, hatchets, Indian knives, scissors, mirrors, and knives.⁵⁷⁵ That chief to whom I went to talk had only women to serve him. All the women go naked as do the other women [of the other islands]. In their ears they wear small earrings of gold, with silk tassels pendant from them. On their arms they wear many gold and brass armlets as far as the elbow. The men go as the women, except that they fasten certain gold articles, round like a trencher, about their necks, and wear bamboo combs adorned with gold rings⁵⁷⁶ in their hair. Some of them wear the necks of dried gourds in their ears in place of gold rings.

Jn Queſta yſola ſe truoua lo ſandalo biancho et nõ altroue gengero bufali por ci capre galine rizo fighi canne dolci naranci limonj cera mandolle fa zoli et altre coſe et papagali de diuerſi colorj de lalt^a parte de liſola ſtano catro fratelli q̃ ſonno li re de queſta yſola doue ſtauamo nuy erano ville et alguni principalle de q^elle.Ly nomi de li catro habitatiõe deli re ſonno queſti oibich lichsana suai et Cabanaza oibich e la magiore.Jn cabanaza ſi Como ne fu deto ſe truoua aſay oro in vno monte et Comperano tute le Sue coſe cõ pezetti de oro tuto lo ſandalo et la cera q̃ contractano queli de Jaua et di malaca Contractano da queſta banda aqui trouamo vno Jonco de lozon venuto ꝓ merchadantare Sandalo Queſti populi ſonno gentilli et quando vanno a taglaire lo ſandalo Como loro ne diſcero ſeli moſt^a lo de monio en varie forme et li dice ſe anno biſognio de q^alque coſa li la demãdino ꝓ Laq^alle aparitione ſtanno infermi alquanti giornj lo ſandalo ſi taglia a vno certo tempo de la luna ꝓ che altramente nõ ſarebe bonno la mercã tia q̃ vale Quiui ꝓ lo ſandalo e panno roſſo tella accete fero et chiodi Queſta yſola he tuta habitata et molto longa da leuante a ponente et poco larga de mezo di a la tramõtana ſta de latitudine aL polo antartico in dieci gra di et cento et Settanta catro gradi et mezo de longitudine dala linea de la repartiõe et se chiama timor.Jn tutte le yſolle hauemo trouate in queſto arcipelago regnia lo maL de S.Jop et piu Quiui q̃ in alt^o luocho et Lo chiamano foi franchi çioe maL portugheſe.

White sandal wood is found in that island and nowhere else.⁵⁷⁷ [There is also] ginger, buffaloes, swine, goats, fowls, rice, figs [i.e., bananas], sugarcane, oranges, lemons, wax, almonds, kidney-beans,⁵⁷⁸ and other things, as well as parrots of various colors. On the other side of the island are four brothers, who are the kings of that island. Where we were, there were cities and some of their chiefs. The names of the four settlements of the kings are as follows: Oibich, Lichsana, Suai, and Cabanaza. Oibich is the largest. There is a quantity of gold found in a mountain in Cabanaza, according to the report given us, and its inhabitants make all their purchases with little bits of gold. All the sandal wood and wax that is traded by the inhabitants of Java and Malaca is traded for in that region. We found a junk from Lozon there, which had come thither to trade in sandal wood. Those people are heathens. When they go to cut the sandal wood, the devil (according to what we were told), appears to them in various forms, and tells them that if they need anything they should ask him for it.They become ill for some days as a result of that apparition.The sandal wood is cut at a certain time of the moon, for otherwise it would not be good.The merchandise valued in exchange for sandal wood there is red cloth, linen, hatchets,⁵⁷⁹ iron, and nails. That island is inhabited in all parts, and extends for a long distance east and west, but is not very broad north and south. It lies in a latitude of ten degrees toward the Antarctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and seventy-four and one-half⁵⁸⁰ degrees from the line of demarcation, and is called Timor.⁵⁸¹ The disease of St. Jop was to be found in all of the islands which we encountered in that archipelago, but more in that place than in others. It is called foi franchi⁵⁸² that is to say “Portuguese disease.”⁵⁸³

Longi vna giornata de qui tra iL ponente et iL maeſtrale ne fu deto trouarſe vna Jſola in laq^alle naſcie assai cannella et se chiama Ende eL ſuo populo he gentille et nõ hanno re et como ſonno a la medeſma [Jſo: crossed out in original MS.]via molte yſolle vna dietro a lalt^a in fina a Jaua magiore et aL capo de malaca li nomi de leq^alle ſonno queſti ende tana butun creuo chile bimacore aranaran Mani Zumbaua lomboch chorum et Jaua ma giore Queſti populi nõ la chiamano Jaua ma Jaoa le magiorj ville ſono in Jaua Sonno queſte Magepaher iL ſuo re Quando viueua era magiore de tutte queſte yſolle et chiamauaſſe Raia patiunus Sunda in queſta naſce molto peueri da ha dama gaghi amada Minutarãghan Cipara Sidaiu tuban creſſi Cirubaia et balli et como Jaua minore eſſere la yſola de Madura et ſtare apreſſo Jaua magiore meza legha Ancho ne diſſero Quando vno homo de li principali de Jaua magiore more Se bruſa Lo ſuo corpo La ſua moglie piu principalle adornaſſi cõ girlande de fiori et faſſi portare de tre ho catro hominj ſoura vno ſcanno ꝓ tuta q^ella vila et ridendo et confortando li ſui parenti que piangeno dice nõ piangere ꝓ cio me vado queſta cera a Cennare coL mio caro marito et dormire ſecho in queſta nocte poy et portata aL foco doue ſe bruſa Lo ſuo marito et ley voltandoſi contra li ſui parẽti et confortando li vnalt^a fiata Segetta neL fuocho oue ſe bruſa lo ſuo marito et ſe queſto nõ faceſſe nõ ſaria tenuta donna da benne ne vera moglie deL marito morto et Como li Joueni de Jaua Quando ſono Jnamo rati in q^alque gentiL donna ſe ligano certi ſonagli cõ fillo tra iL membro et la peleſſina et vanno ſoto le feneſtre de le ſue Jnamorate et facendo moſtra de horinare et Squaſando Lo membro ſonano cõ q^elli ſonagli et fin tanto le ſue Jnamorate hodeno lo ſono ſubito q^elle veneno Ju et fanno ſuo volere Sempre cõ q^elli ſonagliti ꝓ che loro donne ſe piglianno grã ſpaſſa aſen tirſi Sonare de dentro Queſti ſonagli ſonno tucti Coperti et piu ſe copreno piu ſonano JL nr̃o piloto piu vechio ne diſſe Como in vna yſola deta acoloro ſoto de Jaua magiore in Quella trouarſi ſinon femine et quelle Jnpregniarſi de vento et poi Quando parturiſcono ſiL parto et maſchio Lamazano ſe he femina lo aleuano et ſe hominj vanno aq^ella ſua yſola loro amazarli purche poſſianno.

A day’s journey thence toward the west northwest, we were told that we would find an island where quantities of cinnamon grow, by name Ende.⁵⁸⁴ Its inhabitants are heathens, and have no king. [We were told] also that there are many islands in the same [isl: crossed out in original MS.]course, one following the other, as far as Java Major, and the cape of Malaca.The names of those islands are as follows: Ende, Tanabutun, Creuo, Chile, Bimacore, Aranaran, Mani, Zumbaua, Lomboch, Chorum,⁵⁸⁵ and Java Major.⁵⁸⁶ Those inhabitants do not call it Java but Jaoa. The largest cities are located in Java, and are as follows: Magepaher (when its king was alive, he was the most powerful in all those islands, and his name was Raia Patiunus); Sunda, where considerable, pepper grows; Daha; Dama; Gagiamada; Minutaranghan; Cipara; Sidaiu; Tuban; Cressi; Cirubaia;⁵⁸⁷ and Balli.⁵⁸⁸ [We were told] also that Java Minor is the island of Madura, and is located near to Java Major, [being only] one-half legua away.⁵⁸⁹ We were told also that when one of the chief men of Java Major dies, his body is burned. His principal wife adorns herself with garlands of flowers and has herself carried on a chair through the entire village by three or four men. Smiling and consoling her relatives who are weeping, she says: “Do not weep, for I am going to sup with my dear husband this evening,⁵⁹⁰ and to sleep with him this night.” Then she is carried to the fire, where her husband is being burned. Turning toward her relatives, and again consoling them, she throws herself into the fire, where her husband is being burned. Did she not do that, she would not be considered an honorable woman or a true wife to her dead husband.⁵⁹¹ When the young men of Java are in love with any gentlewoman, they fasten certain little bells between their penis and the foreskin. They take a position under their sweetheart’s window, and making a pretense of urinating, and shaking their penis, they make the little bells ring, and continue to ring them until their sweetheart hears the sound. The sweetheart descends immediately, and they take their pleasure; always with those little bells, for their women take great pleasure in hearing those bells ring from the inside.⁵⁹² Those bells are all covered, and the more they are covered the louder⁵⁹³ they sound. Our oldest pilot told us that in an island called Acoloro,⁵⁹⁴ which lies below Java Major, there are found no persons but women, and that they become pregnant from the wind.When they bring forth, if the offspring is a male, they kill it, but if it is a female they rear it.If men go to that island of theirs, they kill them if they are able to do so.

Ancho ne diſcero de ſoto de Jaua magiore ꝟſo la tramõtana neL golfo de la chijna Laq^alle li anticqui chiamano ſigno magno trouarſi vno arbore grandiss^o neLq^alle habitano vcceli deti garuda tanto grandi q̃ portano vn bufalo et vno elefante aL luoco doue he labore re chiamato puza thaer et Lo arbore cam panganghi aL ſuo fructo bua panganghi eLq^alle he magiore q̃ vna anguria li mori de burne haueuamo ne li naui ne diſcero loro hauerne veduto ꝓ che lo ſuo re haueua dui mandatigli daL regnio de ſiam niun Jonco ne altra barcha da tre ho catro legue ſe po aꝓximare aL luoco de larbore ꝓ li grandi reuolutiõe de hacqua que ſonno circa queſto La pⁱma fiata que ſi ſepe de queſto arbure fu vn Jonco ſpinto da ly vẽti ne la riuo lutiõe iLq^alle tuto ſe diſfece tutti li homini ſe anegorono ecceto vn puto picolo ilq^alle eſſendo atacato ſoura vna tauola ꝓ miraculo fo ſpinto apreſſo queſto arbore et mõtato ſoura lo arbore nõ acorgendoſi ſe miſſe ſoto lala a vno de q^elli vcceli lo giorno ſeguento Lo vccelo andando in tera et hauendo pigliato vn bufalo iL puto venne de ſoto a la hala aL meglio puoto ꝓ cuſtui ſe ſepe Queſto et alhora Cogniobero q^eli populi vicini li fructi trouauano ꝓ iL mare eſſere de queſto arbore.

They also told us that a very huge tree is found below Java Major toward the north, in the gulf of Chiina (which the ancients call Signo Magno), in which live birds called garuda. Those birds are so large that they carry a buffalo or an elephant to the place (called Puzathaer), of that tree, which is called cam panganghi, and its fruit bua panganghi⁵⁹⁵ The latter is larger than a cucumber. The Moros of Burne whom we had in our ship told us that they had seen them, for their king had had two of them sent to him from the kingdom of Siam. No junk or other boat can approach to within three or four leguas of the place of the tree, because of the great whirlpools in the water round about it. The first time that anything was learned of that tree was [from] a junk which was driven by the winds into the whirlpool. The junk having been beaten to pieces, all the crew were drowned except a little boy, who, having been tied to a plank, was miraculously driven near that tree. He climbed up into the tree without being discovered, where he hid under the wing of one of those birds. Next day the bird having gone ashore and having seized a buffalo, the boy came out from under the wing as best he could. The story was learned from him, and then the people nearby knew that the fruit which they found in the sea came from that tree.

JL capo de malacha ſta in vn grado et mezo aL antarticho a loriente de queſto capo a longo la coſta ſe trouão molte ville et cita de li nomi de algune ſono aq̃ſti Cinghapola q̃ ſta neL capo pahan Calantan patani bradlun benan lagon Che regigharan tumbõ prhan Cui brabri bangha Jndia Queſta e la cita doue habita iL re de siam eLq^alle chiamaſſe Siri Zacabedera Jandibum Lanu et Langhon pifa Queſte citade ſonno edificade como le nr̃e et ſubgecte aL re de ſiam Jnqueſto regnio de ſiam ne le riue de li fiumi Si como ne fu deto habitanno vcceli grandi liq^alli no mangerianno de alguno animale morto ſia portato iui ſe pⁱma nõ vienne vno alt^o vccelo amangiarli iL core et poi Loro Lo mangiano dopo ſiam ſe troua Camogia iL ſuo re e deto Saret zacabedera chiempa eL ſuo re raia brahaun maitri inqueſto locho naſce lo reubarbaro et ſe troua in queſto modo ſe acaodunano vinti o vinti cinque hominj inſieme et vanno dentro ne li boſchi Quando he venuta la nocte montano ſoura li arbori ſi ꝓ ſentire Lodore deL reobarbaro como ancho ꝓ paura de leonnj elefanti et altre fere et daq^ella parte doue he lo reubarbaro iL vento li porta lodore poi venuto lo giorno vanno in q^ella parte doue li he venuto iL vento et lo cercanno fin tanto lo trouano Lo reubarbaro he vno arbure groſſo putrefato et ſenon foſſe cuſſi putrefacto non darebe lo hodore iL megliare de queſto arbore he la radice niente dimeno iL legnio he reobarbaro iLq^aL chiamano Calama poi ſe truoua Cochi eL ſuo re e detto raia Seribumni pala dopo Queſto ſe troua la grã chijna iL ſuo re he magiore de tuto eL mõdo et chiamaſſe Santhoa raia iLq^alle tenne ſetanta re de coro na ſoto de ſe alguni de liq^alli anno dieci et quindice re de ſoto ſe eL ſuo porto he deto guantan fra le altre aſayssime citade ne ha due principalle dette namchin et Comlaha neliq^alli ſta queſto re tienne catro ſui principali a preſſo Lo ſuo palatio vno verſo iL ponente lalt^o aL leuante lalt^o amezo de et lalt^o ala tramõtana ogni vno de queſti danno audientia Se nõ aq^elli che veneno de ſua parte tucti li re et ſignori de la Jndia magiore et ſuperiore hobediſcono aqueſto re et ꝓ ſegnialle q̃ ſianno ſui veri vaſali ciaſcuna ha in mezo de la ſua piaza vno animale ſcolpito in marmore piu galiardo que iL leonne et chiamaſſe chinga Queſto chinga e lo ſigilo deL dito re de chijna et tucti q^elli q̃ vanno ala chijna Conuieneno hauere Queſto animale ſcolpito in cera in vn dente de elephante ꝓ che altramente nõ potrianno intrare neL ſuo porto Quando alguno Signiore he in hobediente a queſto re lo fanno ſcorticare et ſecanno la pelle aL ſolle con ſale et poy la empi enno de paglia ho de alt^o et lo fanno ſtare cõ lo capo baſſo et cõ le many Jonte ſoura lo capo in vno luocho eminente ne la piaza acio Alhora ſi veda Cului far zonghu cioe riuerentia Queſto re nõ ſi laſcia vedere de algũo et Quando lui vole vedere li ſui Caualcha ꝓ iL palatio vno pauone facto maeſtralmente coſa richiſſima acompagniato de ſey donne de le ſue piu principalle veſtite Como lui fin che entra in vn ſerpente deto nagha rico Quanto altra coſa ſi poſſa vedere ilq^alle e ſop^a la corte magiore deL palatio iL re et le donne entranno dent^o açio lui nõ ſia cognioſſuto fra le donne vede li ſui ꝓ vno vedro grando q̃ e neL pecto deL ſerpente lui et le donne ſe ponno vedere ma nonſi puo diſcernere q^aL he lore.Cuſtui ſe marita ne le ſue ſorelle acio lo ſangue realle nõ ſia miſſidiato cõ altⁱ Circha lo ſuo pa latio ſonno ſette cerche de muri et fra ogni vna de queſte cerche ſtano diece millia homini q̃ fanno la gardia aL palatio fin q̃ ſona vna Cam pana poi vieneno diece millia altⁱ homini ꝓ ogni cercha et cuſi ſe mudanno ogni giorno et ogni nocte ogni cercha de muro a vna porta ne la pⁱma li ſta vno homo cõ vno granfionne in mano deto ſatu horã con ſatu bagan nella ſecondo vn canne detto ſatu hain nella terza vn homo cõ vna maza ferata deto Satu horan cũ pocum becin nela carta vno homo cõ vno archo in mano deto Satu horan con anat panan nella Quinta vn homo con vna lancia deto Satu horan con tumach ne la ſexta vno leonne deto Satu horiman nella ſeptima duy elefantj bianchi detti duo gagia pute in Queſto palatio li ſonno ſetanta noue ſalle doue ſtanno ſe non donne q̃ ſerueno aL re et li ſonno ſempre torcie acceſe Se tarda vno Jorno aſercare queſto palatio Jn cima de queſto li ſonno catro ſalle doue vanno alguna volta li principali a parlare aL re vna he hornata de metalo coſi de ſoto como de ſuura vna tuta de argento vna tuta de noro et Lalt^a de perle et petre precioſe Quando li ſui vaſſali li portanno horo ho altre coſe p̃ci oſe ꝓ tributo le butano ꝓ Queſte ſalle dicendo Queſto ſia a honnore et gloria deL nr̃o Sant hoa raia tute queſte coſe et molte altre de queſto re ne diſſe vno moro et lui hauerle vedute la gente de la chijna e biancha e veſtita et mangiano ſoura taule como nuy et anno croce ma non ſi ſa ꝓ che tengonno Jn Queſta chijna naſce Lo muſchio iL ſuo animale e vno gato Como q^ello deL gibeto et non mangia alt^o ſenon vn legnio dolce Sotile como li diti chiamato chamaru Quando voleno far lo muſchio atacano vno ſanſuga aL gato et li la laſcianno atacata infin ſia ben pienna de ſangue poi La ſtrucano in vno piato et meteno iL ſangue aL ſolle per cat^o ho cinque giornj poy lo bagniano cõ orina et il metenno altre tante fiate aL ſolle et cuſſi diuenta muſchio ꝓfeto ogniuno que tienne de queſti animali Conuien pagare vno tanto aL re Quelli pezeti que parenno ſian grani de muſchio ſonno de carne de capreto peſtatagli dent^o iL vero muſchio et ſe non iL ſangue et ſe ben diuenta in pezetti Se diſfa aL muſchio et al gato chiamano caſtori et ala ſanſuga lintha Seguendo poy la coſta de qʒſta chijna ſe trouano molti populi q̃ ſonno queſti li chienchij et ſtano in Jſole ne leq^alli naſconno perle et cannela Li Lechij en tera ferma ſop^a lo porto de Queſti trauerſa vna montagnia ꝓ laq^aL ſe Conuien deſarburare tucti ly Jonqui et naui voleno Jntrare neL porto Jl re Mom in terra firma Queſto re ha vinti re ſoto diſe et e hobediente aL re de la chijna la ſua cita he deta bara naci Quiui e iL grã catayo orientalle Han yſola alta et frigida doue ſe truoua metalo argento perle et Seta iL ſuo re chiamaſſe raia Zotru Mli Janla eL ſuo re e detto raia chetisqnuga gnio lo ſuo re raia ſudacali tucti Queſti tre luogui Sonno frigidi et in terra ferma Triaganba Trianga due yſolle nelle Qualle vieneno perle metalo argento et ſeta il ſuo re raia Rrom Baſſi baſſa terra ferma et poi Sumbdit pradit due yſole richiſime de oro lihomini deleq^alle portanno vna grã ſchiona de oro ne la gamba Soura iL piede Apreſſo Quiui ne la tera ferma in certi montagnie ſtano popoli che amazano li ſui padri et madre Quando ſonno vechi acio nõ ſe afati cano piu tucti li populi de Queſti luogui ſonno gentilli

The cape of Malacha⁵⁹⁶ lies in one and one-half degrees toward the Antarctic Pole.Along the coast east of that cape are many villages and cities.The names of some of them are as follows: Cinghapola, which is located on the cape; Pahan; Calantan; Patani; Bradlun; Benan; Lagon; Cheregigharan; Tumbon; Phran; Cui; Brabri; Bangha; India, which is the city where the king of Siam, by name Siri Zacabedera, lives; Jandibum; Lanu; and Longhonpifa.⁵⁹⁷ Those cities are built like ours, and are subject to the king of Siam. On the shores of the rivers of that kingdom of Siam, live, as we are told, large birds which will not eat of any dead animal that may have been carried there, unless another bird comes first to eat its heart, after which they eat it.⁵⁹⁸ Next to Siam is found Camogia,⁵⁹⁹ whose king is called Saret Zacabedera; then Chiempa, whose king is Raia Brahaun Maitri.⁶⁰⁰ Rhubarb which is found in the following manner grows there. Twenty or twenty-five men assemble and go together into the jungles. Upon the approach of night, they climb trees, both to see whether they can catch the scent of the rhubarb, and also for fear of the lions, elephants, and other wild beasts. The wind bears to them the odor of the rhubarb from the direction in which it is to be found. When morning dawns they go in that direction whence the wind has come, and seek the rhubarb until they find it. The rhubarb is a large rotten tree; and unless it has become rotten, it gives off no odor. The best part of that tree is the root, although the wood is also rhubarb which is called calama⁶⁰¹ Next is found Cochi,⁶⁰² whose king is called Raia Seribumni Pala. After that country is found Great Chiina, whose king is the greatest in all the world, and is called Santhoa Raia.⁶⁰³ He has seventy crowned kings subject to himself, and some of the latter have ten or fifteen kings subject to them. His port is called Guantan [i.e., Canton].Among the multitude of other cities, there are two principal ones called Nanchin [i.e., Nanking] and Comlaha⁶⁰⁴ where the above king lives. He keeps his four principal men near his palace—one toward the west, one toward the east, one toward the south, and one toward the north. Each one of those four men gives audience only to those who come from his own quarter. All the kings and seigniors of greater and upper⁶⁰⁵ India obey that king; and in token that they are his true vassals, each one has an animal which is stronger than the lion, and called chinga,⁶⁰⁶ carved in marble in the middle of his square. That chinga is the seal of the said king of Chiina, and all those who go to Chiina must have that animal carved in wax [or] on an elephant’s tooth, for otherwise they would not be allowed to enter his harbor. When any seignior is disobedient to that king, he is ordered to be flayed, and his skin dried in the sun and salted. Then the skin is stuffed with straw or other substance, and placed head downward in a prominent place in the square, with the hands clasped above the head,⁶⁰⁷ so that he may be seen then to be performing zonghu, that is, obeisance. That king never allows himself to be seen by anyone. When he wishes to see his people, he rides about the palace on a skilfully made peacock, a most elegant contrivance, accompanied by six of his most principal women clad like himself; after which he enters a serpent called nagha,⁶⁰⁸ which is as rich a thing as can be seen, and which is kept in the greatest court of the palace. The king and the women enter it so that he may not be recognized among his women. He looks at his people through a large glass which is in the breast of the serpent. He and the women can be seen, but one cannot tell which is the king. The latter is married to his sisters, so that the blood royal may not be mixed with others. Near his palace are seven encircling walls, and in each of those circular places are stationed ten thousand men for the guard of the palace [who remain there] until a bell rings, when ten thousand other men come for each circular space. They are changed in this manner each day and each night. Each circle of the wall has a gate. At the first stands a man with a large hook in his hand, called satu horan with satu bagan; in the second, a dog, called satu hain; in the third, a man with an iron mace, called satu horan with pocum becin; in the fourth, a man with a bow in his hand called satu horan with anat panan; in the fifth, a man with a spear, called satu horan with tumach; in the sixth, a lion, called satu horiman; in the seventh, two white elephants, called two gagia pute⁶⁰⁹ That palace has seventy-nine halls which contain only women who serve the king. Torches are always kept lighted in the palace,⁶¹⁰ and it takes a day to go through it. In the upper part of it are four halls, where the principal men go sometimes to speak to the king. One is ornamented with copper [metalo], both below and above; one all with silver; one all with gold; and the fourth with pearls and precious gems. When the king’s vassals take him gold or any other precious things as tribute, they are placed in those halls, and they say: “Let this be for the honor and glory of our Santhoa Raia.⁶¹¹ All the above and many other things were told us by a Moro who had seen them. The inhabitants of Chiina are light complexioned and wear clothes. They eat at tables as we do, and have the cross, but it is not known for what purpose.⁶¹² Musk is produced in that country of Chiina. Its animal is a cat⁶¹³ like the civet cat. It eats nothing except a sweet wood as thick as the finger, called chamaru⁶¹⁴ When the Chinese wish to make the musk, they attach a leech to the cat, which they leave fastened there, until it is well distended with blood. Then they squeeze the leech out into a dish and put the blood in the sun for four or five days. After that they sprinkle it with urine,⁶¹⁵ and as often as they do that they place it in the sun. Thus it becomes perfect musk. Whoever owns one of those animals has to pay a certain sum to the king. Those grains which seem to be grains of musk are of kid’s flesh crushed in the real musk and not the blood.⁶¹⁶ Although the blood can be made into grains, it evaporates. The musk and the cat are called castor and the leech lintha⁶¹⁷ Many peoples are to be found as one follows the coast of that country of Chiina, who are as follows. The Chienchii⁶¹⁸ inhabit islands where pearls and cinnamon grow. The Lechii live on the mainland; above their port stretches a mountain, so that all the junks and ships which desire to enter that port must unstep their masts. The king on the mainland [is called] Mom.⁶¹⁹ He has twenty kings under him and is subordinate to the king of Chiina. His city is called Baranaci. The great Oriental catayo⁶²⁰ is located there. Han⁶²¹ [is] a cold, lofty island where copper [metalo], silver, pearls, and silk are produced, whose king is called Raia Zotru; Mli Ianla, whose king is called Raia Chetisqnuga;⁶²² Gnio, and its king, Raia Sudacali. All three of the above places are cold and are located on the mainland. Triaganba⁶²³ and Trianga [are] two islands where pearls, copper [metalo], silver, and silk are produced, and whose king is Raia Rrom.Bassi Bassa [is] on the mainland; and then [follow] two islands, Sumbdit and Pradit,⁶²⁴ which are exceedingly rich in gold, whose inhabitants wear a large gold ring around the legs at the ankle. On the mainland near that point live a race in some mountains who kill their fathers and mothers as age comes on, so that they may have no further trouble. All the peoples of those districts are heathens.

Marti de nocte venendo aL mercore a vndici de febraro 1522 partendone de La yſola de timor ſe in golfaſſemo neL mare grande nominato Laut chidoL et pigliando lo nr̃o Camino tra ponente et garbin laſciaſemo a La mano drieta a La tramõtana ꝓ pagura deL re de portoghala la Jſola Zamatra antichamẽte chiamata Traprobana pegu bengala Vriza che lui nelaq^alle ſtanno li malabari Soto iL re de narſingha Calicut ſoto Lo medeſimo re Canbaia nelaq^alle ſonno li guzerati Cananor ghoa Armus et tutta laltra coſta de la india magiore in queſta india magiore li ſonno ſey ſorte de homini Nairi panichali yranai pangelini Macuai et poleai Nairj ſonno li principali panichali ſonno li Citadini Queſte due ſorte de hoj̃ Conuerſano inſieme Jranai Colgeno lo vino de la palma et fighi pagelinj Sonno li marinarj Macuai ſonno li peſcatorj poleai ſeminano et colgeno lo rizo Queſti habitanno ſempre neli campi mai intrano in cita alguna et quando ſe li da alguna coſa la ſe ponne in tera poy loro la piglianno coſtoro Quando vanno ꝓ le ſtrade cridano po po po çioe gar date damj, acadete ſi como ne fu referito vno nair eſſere tocho per diſgratia da vn polea ꝓ iLque iL nair ſubito ſe fece amazare açio non rimaneſſe cõ q^eL deſhonnore Et ꝓ Caualcare lo capo de bonna ſperãza andaſſemo fin a Quaranta dui gradi aL polo antarticho ſteſſemo ſoura queſto Cauo noue ſetimane cõ le velle amaynate ꝓ lo vento accidentale et maiſtralle ꝓ proa et cõ fortuna grandiſsima iLq^aL capo ſta de latitudine in trenquat^o gradi et mezo et mille et ſey cento legue longi daL capo de malaca et e lo magiore et piu pericoloſo capo ſia neL mondo aL guni de li noſtⁱ a malati et ſani voleuão andare a vno luoco de portu gheſi deto Mozanbich ꝓ la naue q̃ faceua molta hacqua ꝓ lo fredo grande et molto piu ꝓ nõ hauere alt^o da mangiare Se non rizo et hacqua ꝓ cio la carne haueuamo hauuta ꝓ non hauere ſale ne era pu trefata Ma alguni de li altⁱ piu deſideroſi deL ſuo honnore q̃ de la ꝓpria vita deliberorono viui o morti volere andare in ſpagnia finalmente cõ lo ajuto de dio a ſey de magio paſaſſemo Queſto capo apreſſo lui cinque legue ſe non la ꝓximauamo tanto may Lo poteuão paſſare poi nauigaſſemo aL mayſtrale dui meſi continui ſenza pigliare refrigerio alcuno in queſto pocho tempo ne morſeno vinti vno homo Quando li butauamo neL mare li xp̃iani andauão al fondo con lo volto in ſuſo et li Jndij ſempre cõ lo volto in giu et ſe dio non ne conduceua bon tempo tucti moriuão de fame alfine conſtrecti de la grande neceſitade andaſſemo a le yſole de capo verde Mercore a noue de Julio agiungeſſemo a vna de queſte deta s^toJacobo et ſubito madaſſemo lo batelo in tera ꝓ victuuaglia con queſta Jnuẽtiõe de dire ali portugheſi como ne era rocto lo trinqueto Soto la lignea equino tialle ben che foſſe ſoura lo capo bonna ſperanza et Quando lo conciauão Lo nr̃e cap^o generalle cõ le altre due naui eſerſi andata in ſpagnia con queſte bonne parolle et cõ le nr̃e mercadantie haueſſemo dui batelli pi ennj de rizo Cometeſſemo a li nr̃j deL batelo Quando andarono in tera domandaſſero que giorno era ne diſcero como era a li portugheſi Joue Se marauigliaſſemo molto ꝓ che era mercore anuy et nõ ſapeuamo Como haueſſemo herato ꝓ ogni Jorno yo ꝓ eſſere ſtato ſempre ſanno haueua ſcripto ſenza niſſuna Jntermiſſione ma como da poy ne fu deto non era erore ma iL viagio facto ſempre ꝓ occidente et ritornato a lo iſteſſo luocho Como fa iL ſolle haueua portato q^eL vantagio de hore vinti catro como chiaro ſi vede eſſendo andato lo batello vnalt^a volta in tera ꝓ rizo furonnore tenuti tredici homini cõ lo batello ꝓ che vno de q^elli como da poy ſapeſemo in ſpagnia dice ali portugheſi Como lo nr̃o cap^o era morto et altⁱ et que noi nõ andare in ſpagnia dubitandone de eſſere ancho nuy preſi ꝓ certe carauelle ſubito ſe partiſſemo. Sabato a ſey de ſeptembre 1522 Jntraſſemo nella baia de S. lucar ſe nõ diſdoto homini et la mogior parte Jnfermy iL reſto de ſexanta q̃ partiſſemo da malucho qⁱ morſe de fame chi fugite nela yſola de timor et qⁱ furenno amazati ꝓ ſui delicti daL tempo q̃ ſe partiſſemo de queſta baya fin aL giorno pñte haueuão facto catordicy mille et quatro cento et ſaxanta leghe et piu Compiuto lo circulo deL mõdo deL leuante aL ponente. Luni a octo de ſeptembre butaſſemo lanchora ap̃ſo Lo molo de ſeuiglia et deſcaricaſſemo tuta lartigliaria Marti nuj tucti in Camiſa et diſcalci andaſſemo cõ vna torcia ꝓ vno in mano auiſitare iL luoco de s^amaria de la victoria et q^ella de s^tamaria de lantiqua.

On Tuesday night as it drew near Wednesday, February eleven, 1522, we left the island of Timor and took to the great open sea called Laut Chidol.⁶²⁵ Laying our course toward the west southwest, we left the island of Zamatra, formerly called Traprobana,⁶²⁶ to the north on our right hand, for fear of the king of Portoghala;⁶²⁷ [as well as] Pegu, Bengala, Uriza, Chelin where the Malabars live, who are subject to the king of Narsingha, Calicut, subject to the same king, Cambaia, where the Guzerati live, Cananor, Ghoa, Armus, and all the rest of the coast of India Major.⁶²⁸ Six different classes of people inhabit India Major: Nairi, Panichali, Yranai, Pangelini, Macuai, and Poleai.⁶²⁹ The Nairi are the chiefs; and the Panichali are the townspeople: those two classes of men have converse together. The Iranai gather the palm wine and figs. The Pangelini are the sailors. The Macuai are the fishermen. The Poleai are the farmers and harvest the rice.These last always live in the country, although they enter the city at times.⁶³⁰ When anything is given them it is laid on the ground, and then they take it. When they go through the streets they call out Po!po!po! that is “Beware of me!”⁶³¹ It happened, as we were told, that a Nair once had the misfortune to be touched by a Polea, for which the Nair immediately had the latter killed so that he might erase that disgrace. In order that we might double the cape of Bonna Speranza [i.e., “Good Hope”], we descended to forty-two degrees on the side of the Antarctic Pole.We were nine weeks⁶³² near that cape with our sails hauled down because we had the west and northwest winds on our bow quarter and because of a most furious storm.⁶³³ That cape lies in a latitude of thirty-four and one-half degrees, and is one thousand six hundred leguas⁶³⁴ from the cape of Malaca. It is the largest and most dangerous cape in the world. Some of our men, both sick and well, wished to go to a Portuguese settlement called Mozanbich,⁶³⁵ because the ship was leaking badly, because of the severe cold, and especially because we had no other food than rice and water; for as we had no salt, our provisions of meat had putrefied.⁶³⁶ Some of the others however, more desirous of their honor than of their own life, determined to go to Spagnia living or dead. Finally by God’s help, we doubled that cape on May six at a distance of five leguas. Had we not approached so closely, we could never have doubled it.⁶³⁷ Then we sailed northwest for two months continually without taking on any fresh food or water [refrigerio]. Twenty-one men died during that short time. When we cast them into the sea, the Christians went to the bottom face upward, while the Indians always went down face downward.⁶³⁸ Had not God given us good weather we would all have perished of hunger. Finally, constrained by our great extremity, we went to the islands of Capo Verde. Wednesday, July nine, we reached one of those islands called Sancto Jacobo,⁶³⁹ and immediately sent the boat ashore for food, with the story for the Portuguese that we had lost our foremast under the equinoctial line (although we had lost it upon the cape of Bonna Speranza), and when we were restepping it,⁶⁴⁰ our captain-general had gone to Spagnia with the other two ships. With those good words⁶⁴¹ and with our merchandise, we got two boatloads of rice. We charged our men when they went ashore in the boat to ask what day it was, and they told us that it was Thursday with the Portuguese. We were greatly surprised for it was Wednesday with us, and we could not see how we had made a mistake; for as I had always kept well, I had set down every day without any interruption. However, as was told us later, it was no error, but as the voyage had been made continually toward the west and we had returned to the same place as does the sun, we had made that gain of twenty-four hours, as is clearly seen. The boat having returned to the shore again for rice, thirteen men and the boat were detained, because one of them, as we learned afterward in Spagnia, told the Portuguese that our captain was dead, as well as others, and that we were not going to Spagnia.⁶⁴² Fearing lest we also be taken prisoners by certain caravels, we hastily departed.⁶⁴³ On Saturday, September six,⁶⁴⁴ 1522, we entered the bay of San Lucar with only eighteen men and the majority of them sick, all that were left of the sixty men who left Malucho.Some died of hunger; some deserted at the island of Timor; and some were put to death for crimes.⁶⁴⁵ From the time we left that bay [of San Lucar] until the present day [of our return], we had sailed fourteen thousand four hundred and sixty leguas, and furthermore had completed the circumnavigation of the world from east to west.⁶⁴⁶ On Monday, September eight, we cast anchor near the quay of Seviglia, and discharged all our artillery. Tuesday, we all went in shirts and barefoot, each holding a candle, to visit the shrine of Santa Maria de la Victoria [i.e., “St.Mary of Victory”], and that of Santa Maria de l’Antiqua [i.e., “St.Mary of Antiquity”].⁶⁴⁷

Partendomi de ſeuiglia andai a vagliadolit oue apreſentai a la ſacra mageſta de D.carlo non oro ne argento ma coſe da eſſere aſſay apreciati da vn ſimiL Signiore fra le altre coſe li detti vno libro ſcripto de mia mano de tucte le coſe paſſate de giorno in giorno neL viagio noſt^o me parti de li aL meglio puoti et andai in portagalo et parlay aL re don Johanny de le coſe haueua vedute paſſando ꝓ la ſpagnia veni in franſa et feci donno de algune coſe de lalt^o emiſperio a la madre deL xp̃ianiſſimo re don franciſco madama la regenta poi me venni ne la Jtalia oue donnay ꝓ ſempre me medeſimo et Queſte mie poche faticque a lo Jnclito et Illuſtriſſimo Signor philipo d^e Villers lisleadam grã maeſt^o de rhodi digniſſimo.

Leaving Seviglia, I went to Vagliadolit [i.e., Valladolid], where I presented to his sacred Majesty, Don Carlo, neither gold nor silver, but things very highly esteemed by such a sovereign.Among other things I gave him a book, written by my hand, concerning all the matters that had occurred from day to day during our voyage.⁶⁴⁸ I left there as best I could and went to Portagalo where I spoke with King Johanni of what I had seen. Passing through Spagnia, I went to Fransa where I made a gift of certain things from the other hemisphere to the mother of the most Christian king, Don Francisco, Madame the regent.⁶⁴⁹ Then I came to Italia, where I established my permanent abode, and devoted my poor labors to the famous and most illustrious lord, Philipo de Villers Lisleadam, the most worthy grand master of Rhodi.

JL Caualier

The Cavalier

ant^o pagaphetta

Antonio Pagaphetta⁶⁵⁰