The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume 29 of 55, 1638–40 / Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the Islands and Their Peoples, Their History and Records of the Catholic Missions, as Related in Contemporaneous Books and Manuscripts, Showing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of Those Islands from Their Earliest Relations with European Nations to the Close of the Nineteenth Century

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume 29 of 55, 1638–40 / Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the Islands and Their Peoples, Their History and Records of the Catholic Missions, as Related in Contemporaneous Books and Manuscripts, Showing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of Those Islands from Their Earliest Relations with European Nations to the Close of the Nineteenth Century
Author: unknown
Pages: 511,979 Pages
Audio Length: 7 hr 6 min
Languages: en

Summary

Play Sample

Documents of 1638

  • Events in the Filipinas, 1637–38. [Unsigned; probably written by Juan Lopez, S. J. , in July, 1638.]
  • Letter to Felipe IV. Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera; August 21.
  • Letter to Felipe IV, from the treasurer at Manila. Baltasar Ruiz de Escalona; August 31.
  • Relation of the Filipinas Islands. Hieronimo de Bañuelos y Carrillo; 1638.
  • Glorious victories against the Moros of Mindanao. Diego de Bobadilla, S. J. , and others; 1638.
  • Royal orders and decrees, 1638. Felipe IV; March 15, and September-December.
  • Fortunate successes in Filipinas and Terrenate, 1636–37. [Unsigned; published in 1639.]
  • Value of Corcuera’s seizures in Jolo. [Unsigned and undated; probably 1638.]

Sources: The first and seventh of these documents are obtained from MSS. in the Academia Real de la Historia, Madrid; the second and third, and two of the decrees in the sixth, from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla; the rest of the sixth, from the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid; the fourth, from Thevenot’s Voyages curieux, t. i, part ii—from a copy belonging to the library of Harvard University; the fifth, from a book in the Museo-Biblioteca de Ultramar, Madrid; the eighth, from Pastells’ edition of Colin’s Labor evangélica, iii, pp.528–533.

Translations: These are made by James A. Robertson—except the second and part of the sixth, by Emma Helen Blair; and the fifth, by Arthur B. Myrick.

Events in the Filipinas, 1637–38

The patache for España left here August 24.It had a propitious season [for departure], and therefore it has apparently enjoyed favoring vendaval blasts.1 A short time before that, the patache had left for the island of Hermosa; its commander was Don Alonso de Alcoçer, and the governor of that island, Sargento-mayor Pedro Palomino, sailed in it. On the fifth of September, a xalea arrived from Yndia on its way to Macan, which had been obliged to put in here on account of the weather. It left Malaca August 16, in order to advise the inhabitants of Macan to be on the lookout, for there were many Dutch in the strait. Now they are going in the galleon “San Juan Baptista” under command of Juan Lopez de Ariduin, to buy materials of importance for his Majesty’s fleets. The xalea remains here to be used for the expedition to Xolo, for which it seems well fitted. They report as news that Goa was almost surrounded by Dutch vessels.Six galleons went out to attack them and sank three of the Dutch vessels.The latter retired after three days of fighting, with the intention of returning to Jacatra and getting a larger force.On the way they met eleven Portuguese fustas, which took shelter in a river.The Dutch employed strategy in fighting them, and captured seven of the fustas, while four escaped.One of the latter was an excuse for a galley.In consequence [of that victory], the enemy are now committing great depredations in the strait.

It is also reported that the Malabars with seventeen paroos [i.e., praus] attacked last year a ship from Macan with a crew of thirty Portuguese, and carrying great wealth, a thing never before seen.It is reported that the Dutch there have shown great anger at what the relief galleons did this year with their ships and the fort of Malayo; and that, for the coming year, they are intending to send out a squadron to punish the jest that was played on them.

It is reported that a Portuguese, named Antonio Carnero, has taken up arms together with others, and that they have adopted the calling of pirates, and are committing depredations on Moros and Christians.

When the king of Achen was about to go to attack Malaca with a fleet, he died.The kingdom was inherited by the king of Paon, an old-time friend of the Portuguese.He has renewed friendship with them—a great piece of news.

Fray Antonio del Rosario, the ancient of Macan, of [the Order of] St. Dominic, bishop-elect of Malaca, died on the way [to that city] before being consecrated.

The fathers who accompanied Father Marçelo, who were captured last year by the Dutch, together with that famous Polish father, are now at liberty.Father Antonio Magallanes, procurator of the province of Goa, whom I saw at Roma and Madrid, was to conduct Father Marçelo and his companions; but he remained in España to finish some business, has been elected bishop of Japon, and they are awaiting him in Yndia.

Among the Portuguese of that xalea is one who is a lay-brother of St.Francis.He came last year from Lisboa as companion of a bishop, the friar Francisco Froan de Benavides, who was once in the mission of Nuevo Mexico.He died on his arrival at Goa, and this religious is trying to pass to España by way of these islands, with papers left him by the bishop.This is the principal news brought by the Portuguese.

On the morning of the seventh of this month, Fray Juan de Subelço2 came here from the province of the Rosario, to ask assistance by virtue of an order that he brought from the governor. This was given to him [by the authorities], and he entered the convent, took possession of it for his province, and sent to Manila the father rector, Fray Francisco Pinelo, who surrendered the house peaceably and quietly. The day before, with the same aid, they had taken possession at the same time of Minondo, the hospital, and the Parián, and conveyed Father Collado and the other fathers to their convent. The community received them at the door of their church, amid the chiming of bells, the playing of organs, and with candles lighted on their altars; thence they took the fathers to their cells. As a thank-offering they began a novena, on November 7, of masses and Salves, accompanied by fine music, the chiming of the bells, and a goodly crowd. All the people rejoiced because they were at peace. Your Reverence will be pleased to know how this happened. Collado wrote bits of satire against the governor, calling him filius diaboli flagellum dei et alia hujus modi3 His original letters were returned to hands that placed them in those of Don Sebastian. Finally the governor allowed the claims of the province of the Rosario to stand. That province had made Fray Andres del Santisimo judge-conservator, who summoned Collado to show his despatches that had been passed by the Council [of the Indias], but he did not answer. The judge-conservator cited him for the second time, but there was no answer. The judge-conservator proclaimed the cause at an end, and sentenced his province to be suppressed. Aid was asked for the execution of the order and was given, etc.

On Saturday, the twelfth of this month, excommunications were read here in four churches against those who had or knew of moneys, clothing, books, or other things of the bearded fathers,4 unless they gave them up to those of the Rosario. Almost two thousand pesos were declared here belonging to Pinelo, who had deposited them with a friend. He came to Manila instantly, and begged protection from Don Sebastian, saying that they were his—five hundred pesos received from a berth on ship, given him by his Lordship for Mexico, and which, with his Lordship’s permission, he sold when he remained; one hundred and seventy pesos from a pay-warrant which his Lordship had ordered to be paid to him; and he had been given one thousand or more pesos, which his nephew the reader Ochoa (whom he brought with him as a witness) had given him. All this did he state, for even as he left here, he tried to go to España in this galleon by way of Macan, which was conceded to him. The governor wrote to Fray Juan de Subelço to let him have that money, which was proved to belong to Pinelo. He gave him another and very stringent letter for his provincial in Manila that declared the same thing. Father Fray Juan, who narrated the matter to me, went to talk with him, and told him that the books showed that the expense was more than eight hundred pesos ahead of the receipts; and that, besides this, he had just received two hundred pesos belonging to a deceased man, and one hundred and seventy pesos belonging to another, and that he will have to give account of this—besides which, in any event, it all belonged to the order, and nothing was his. He answered that they should have it there, and that he would write to his provincial; and that, notwithstanding his letter, Fray Juan should do his duty, in conformity to the rules of his order.I have now learned that they gave up all the money to Pinelo, which he carried away.The galleon sailed September 19.

Of their own accord the Sangleys offered the governor5 a gift of six thousand pesos, giving the following reasons for so doing: first, because he had redeemed thirty-one of their people from the captivity of Corralat; second, because he had made the seas free and secure for their ordinary trade; and third, because he maintained them in peace and justice. Consequently, the expense of the war of Mindanao, taking into account the artillery, and the pillage which pertained to his Majesty, and the above-mentioned six thousand pesos, was not only covered, but there were also one thousand five hundred pesos left over, as I was told by his Majesty’s accountant. The latter also adds that the golden water-jug and plate that had belonged to Auditor Alcaraz were bought for the king our lord with those one thousand five hundred pesos; and the governor Don Sebastian added to that sum more than two hundred pesos as a gift from his own purse, in order to make up the cost of the said water-jug and plate. Dated at Cavite, September 15, 1637.

September 27, sentence was declared in favor of the Augustinian fathers of Castilla, and that sentence makes a complete end to the alternative. A sentence was also given in which the will of Espinosa el Tuerto [i.e., “the one-eyed”] was declared null and void.The property has been delivered to the fund belonging to deceased persons, and those who have any right to it are to demand their justice.

I had a letter from Father Melchor de Vera,6 in which he says that the people who escaped alive from the six large Javanese ships which were at Lamitan were accommodated in one caracoa, and passing before Basilan, full of fear of the Spaniards in the fort of Sanboangan, talked with the chief men [of Basilan], and told them that they were those who had been driven from the hill, and that many more than they had thought had been killed; and that there was no one in Mindanao who did not mourn a person of very near kin—the father for his son, the son for his father, etc.

I shall add here what occurred last year in the month of September, and which I did not learn until the same month of this year 1637. The captain and commandant of Caragan was then Juan Nicolas Godino. He went with a fleet to commit depredations on the tributaries of Cachil Corralat. He met six caracoas at sea, which he attacked and conquered—although most of the enemy escaped to land, as they were near the shore. However he killed some of them and captured others. He also did much damage in a village that he attacked.He returned to his fort laden with plunder and with one hundred and twenty captives.Among the dead was one Dumplac, who had formerly killed Alférez Blas Gonzalez, and had done great damage to the Christians of our missions and those of Caragan.Among the captives was a very famous chief, who was regarded as a brave man, and who killed Captain Pedro Baptista in the insurrection of Caragan.

October 24, the patache from the island of Hermosa entered the port, and it brought back most of the people in those forts.They say that the Franciscan friars are all going to China, as are all the Dominicans, except one who remained there.It is reported that they are suffering famine, and that no ships from China go there.

The day before, the twenty-third, Sargento-mayor Don Pedro de Corquera, the governor’s nephew, died at Manila.The governor had reared him from childhood in Flandes.He was well liked and respected in these islands, for his affable manners had obtained for him much popularity.Three or four days before, a galley-captain, named N.Ramos, and some other discontented Spaniards had deserted in a boat with a topmast, for their provision robbing two Sangley champans.

The master-of-camp, Pedro de Heredia, died at Manila November 5.He left all his property to charity.But the Audiencia sequestered it all immediately, until the end of his residencia.Captain Don Diego de Miranda also died from an accident, which carried him off in thirty hours.

News was received on November 15 that the enemy were passing the Mindoro coast. That same day, Don Sebastian despatched some vessels to attack them.Alférez Arexica went from this place to attack them with fifty firearms in the xalea and two brigantines.He also despatched his company from Manila in champans, to pursue and punish them.Shortly after, Father Hernando de Estrada7 arrived here from Marinduque. He states that he met some champans which had been pursued by the enemy, whom they thought to have been Camucones. The two brigantines returned on the night of November 24. On account of the wind and rain they had lost the xalea, which was the flagship, the night that they had left. They went to Balayan, where they learned that the Camucones had attacked Lobo, but that they had done no damage, for the Indians resisted them; whereupon the pirates had taken their course toward their own country by way of the sea side of Mindoro. The xalea returned November 29, without having met the enemy. Then came news that one night the flagship and one other of the champans that had sailed from Manila had collided. The shock was more severe on the flagship, which sprang a leak and went down. Only one Spaniard and one Sangley were drowned.

The champan that carried Father Marçelo Mastril did not go to China, but to the Lequios, which are subject to the king of Saxuma. Some Japanese accompanied the father. Accordingly they made use of the following stratagem. Those of the champan talked with the Lequians, whom they told that those Japanese had been wrecked on an island, and that they had rescued them; and that, if the Lequians would give them some provisions, they would leave the Japanese there; but, if not, that the latter would return [to Manila].The Lequians gave them some food, and immediately despatched the father and the Japanese, as they wished, in a funea, while the champan returned here.They learned there that the Dominican fathers who had tried to go to Japon last year by way of the Lequios had been seized, and sent to the king of Saxuma by the tono of that land.

Yesterday, December 9, Don Sebastian set out from Manila for Xolo.He sailed in the galley flagship.With him went the xalea, brigantines, champans, and the two galleons for Terrenate, under the command of Geronimo Enriquez; and as admiral Don Pedro de Almonte, the same as last year.The second galley was launched yesterday, and the commander of the galleys, Nicolas Gonzalez, will leave here in it in a week, in order to follow Don Sebastian.Admiral Andres Lopez de [word partly illegible; Nozadigui?]will govern this port in his absence.

A patache arrived at Manila on December 27 from Macan, laden with five thousand arrobas of iron for Captain Juan Lopez de Ariduin. It was bought from some English, who were near Macan with three galleons and this patache. It brought news of the remarkable martyrdom of Father Francisco Marçelo Mastril, who reached Japon September 19. Having left Manila on July 10, he landed at the kingdom of Saxuma with only one companion. He immediately went inland to go to the emperor’s court. But he was seized October 4, and, having suffered most cruel tortures, he was beheaded October 17 with his aforesaid companion. Since I translated the relation from Portuguese into Castilian, and enclose it herewith, I shall only add that the bells in our church and others were rung as soon as the news arrived. In the afternoon a notable Te Deum laudamus was sung. The dean again put on his clerical robes. The archbishop came, as did the royal Audiencia, and a great crowd of people, and the orders, as well as the master-of-camp, Don Lorenço de Olaso, and the flower of the soldiery. From our house they went to [the church of] St. Dominic to sing another Te Deum for three martyrs of that order. At night there was also a chiming of bells and an illumination. The entire city celebrated the glory and virtues of the holy father Marçelo, with tender tears; for he was generally loved and regarded as a saint.

Among the Dominican fathers died a mestizo of Binondo, son of a Chinese and a Tagál woman.He was prosecuted by justice, in order to hang him for his crimes; and he embarked with the fathers, in order to escape with his life.Arriving at the Lequios, and his other companions remaining in the boat, he refused to return, but wished to continue with the fathers.They tell and do not finish telling of the valor, fervor, and courage of that holy mestizo, who suffered cruel tortures with a rare constancy, ever preaching the Divine law of God.

It was learned, at the coming of that patache, that those fathers who had accompanied the holy father Marçelo who went with the captain-general of Macan had arrived safely; and that the champan which had fled hence with eighteen sailors had made port at that city. It was also reported that the Portuguese have not been well received in Japon either this year or last, and all that is because of the preachers who go.It is learned also that Father Alberto de Polonia was brought to Cochinchina, and that he is now in Macan, where for some time he suffered from a most severe illness.

A champan, which had sailed from the island of Hermosa some years ago with a load of people, and had been given up as lost, made port at Sian because of the violence of the wind.That king treated them well, and gave them the means with which to return.Afterward they were driven upon the coast of the kingdom of Patani by other fierce tempests—where, having been supplied and sailing near the strait of Sincapura, the Dutch followed them.They landed, and at length made port at Macan, whence some of the men have come, while the others will come in the galleon “San Juan Baptista.”It is said by those who come in this patache, who had gone in the galleon “San Juan Baptista,” that, on discovering the English ships, lanchas came from them to reconnoiter them; and the English, having heard that it was a galleon belonging to the king of España, threw up their caps into the air joyfully, and eagerly cried out, “Hurrah for the king of España!”Then they took the news to their own ships, which fired many salutes, and by way of toasting the health of the king our sovereign, fired a hundred pieces of artillery.They told our men that the daughter of their king8 was in España for all her lifetime.

Father Fray Francisco de Pinelo and other religious who went from here to pass to España embarked in these English ships, on condition that there should be no disputes on matters of religion.

News came through the fathers of St.Augustine at Panhay on January 15, 1638, that one of the champans which left Manila to attack the Camucones became separated from the others.It fell in with the Camucones, and did them great damage, sinking their flagship and almiranta.Twelve Borneans were captured, and six Christians were freed.The enemy’s loss was a hundred counting drowned and killed.Sargento-mayor Pedro de Fuerçios was commander of that champan.

Almost all the month of January and that of February was taken up with prayers in various churches, for the fortunate success of Don Sebastian.Now we are not the only ones to offer them, as we were last year; but all make them, both the secular clergy and the friars.The Sangleys have said very solemn prayers in their Parián church, of their own accord, as an expression of thanks for the peace and justice in which the governor maintains them.

Don Sebastian had sent those Borneans and Camucones from Otong to Manila, ordering them to serve the various orders and hospitals, so that they might be carefully catechized and made Christians.When they reached Maribeles, an old Morabite9 persuaded the others, and they rose against the Spaniards who were bringing them. There were two Spaniards in the champan who were wounded, but they killed the Morabite and wounded some of the others. Some of them were thrown into the sea, where they were drowned, and with this fortune they reached Manila.

On the night of February 10, robbers entered the church of this residence at Cavite, and stole two silver lamps.They set a trap in the stairway, so that the first one who should descend, if the robbers were perceived, would undoubtedly be killed.It has been impossible to find any trace of the robbers.A week later, about two thousand pesos’ worth of jewels were stolen in Manila in [the church of] St.Dominic, Nuestra Señora del Rosario.But the thief (who was a Spaniard) was discovered, and most of it has been recovered.

Letters were received March 19, announcing the governor’s arrival at Sanboangan and Jolo.The news therein contained is in a separate paper.

A despatch was received from the governor in the middle of April from Jolo, from which it was learned that he was pressing as closely as possible the siege of the stronghold, which the Macasars and Joloans were defending with great obstinacy.There are things worthy of history, which will go [in a letter] by themselves.

It was learned from the same despatch that the Terrenate galleons had already returned to Sanboangan, and that they had arrived safely with their reënforcements, without the Dutch enemy having shown them any resistance, although the latter had vessels of great burden.Six Dutchmen deserted to our men; the three who were aboard the flagship, where Father Pedro Hernando de Estrada was, were converted to our holy Catholic faith by his efforts.One of them is a fine student, and very talented.He knows Latin and Greek, and had studied the whole course of arts, and some years in law, in Flandes.

A patache which left Macan some days after our galleon “San Juan Baptista,” arrived from that city on May 4, and they expected to find the galleon here; however, experienced persons say that it is not late.There are six brothers in the galleon—students who are to be ordained—and Father Bartolome is coming with them as superior.That patache brings two Franciscan friars, Castilians, who have been driven from China.They say that the Chinese have driven them away through love of us, saying that Ours preach Christ risen, and those fathers Christ crucified—a reason that I do not understand.The statement of the pilot of the patache is that they have been driven out because they proceeded in the preaching with but little caution, and I regard that as true.Some nine months ago, I heard a prudent and experienced man say that a great persecution was feared in China, because of the little caution of the preachers.One week after the arrival of the patache, I received a letter from Father Antonio Cardin,10 commissary of the Holy Office for Macan and China, who gives me the following news:

Section of a letter from Father Antonio Cardin, dated Macan, April 15, 1638

“I shall relate here the news of the missions that your Reverence desires to know. Japon is a thing of the past if God do not, in His mercy, aid it. China was increasing greatly in Christianity during these years, but with the entrance of the friars, it is being thrown into confusion; for all the religious have been exiled in Chincheo, and the churches destroyed, where they and we were [laboring] in a flourishing Christian church.For as the friars treat of conquests, saying openly that China can be conquered with four thousand Spaniards, such talk can have no good effect on the natives, who immediately tell it to their mandarins, and we are all lost.

“The fathers have been restored to their former liberty in Cochinchina.The old king died, but his son has given the Dutch a factory, and they are doing as much harm as possible.In Tumquin that Christian church is increasing greatly; but the Dutch are now there, and, although the king has not conceded them a factory, they say that they will do us as much harm as possible in order that we may be exiled.Father Raymundo de Govea is arranging matters in Tumquin, in order that he may go to the Laos.There is no news from Siam.They killed Father Julio Cesar there, and until now they have been at war with Malaca.They now send to ask for peace, and they also tell me that they will ask it from Manila.It is said that they are doing this through fear of the Dutch, who they fear are going to seize their kingdom.Father Lope de Andrada was ordered to retire from Camboja, on account of ill health, and Father Antonio Capechi was sent there.The sending of a large ship directly to Lisboa is being discussed here, but this is so great a blessing that I doubt whether it will be done.”

At the closing of the hour of prayer on May 13, the day of the glorious ascension of our Lord, news arrived of the capture of the [fortified] hill of Jolo. It is a matter of the greatest consolation for all nations; at least, all joined in the festival with great appearances of rejoicing. The bells of all the churches were rung, and the Te Deum laudamus, so due to God, was sung in some of them as a thank-offering.There was a great illumination at night, and more ringing of bells.I refer to the history for particular.

The above news was received on the occasion of the arrival of five or six ships from Great China, laden with merchandise, which was needed in the islands.They give as news that eleven other and more powerful ships have been given chapas.That has been of the greatest consolation, for in the last two years those ships have had so little custom, because of the small amount of silver that had been sent from Mexico, that it was feared that the Chinese would not come this year.11

The commander of the galleys, Nicolas Gonçalez, and Captain Carrança, who was general of the artillery, having fallen very sick at Jolo almost at the beginning of the siege, were sent away by Don Sebastian so that they might recuperate.They arrived at Octong safely more than two months ago, and this their delay was already causing anxiety.Today, May 17, I have been told that the Chinese of the champan in which they were coming [to Manila] killed them through greed, in order to rob them, and five other Spaniards with them.One they cast into the sea badly wounded, where some Indian fishermen rescued him, to whom he related what had happened.Scarcely had they reached land before he died.

Some influential men were killed in the assaults on Xolo, among whom were Sargento-mayor Melon, Captain Juan Nicolas, Alférez Aregita, etc.

Yesterday, May 16, while talking with the commandant of Macan, a very honorable Portuguese, of the Order of Santiago, I asked him some questions, the replies to which I shall state here, as they have some interest.He says that the kingdom of Tumquin is a part of Great China, but has a different king; and it differs in language from China, as does Galicia from Castilla.He asserts the same of Cochinchina, although there is a greater difference in language.Tumquin is ninety leguas from Macan, and is reached by traveling between the island of Ainao [i.e., Hainan] and the mainland of China.Cochinchina is one hundred and twenty leguas [from Macan], and is reached by going outside that island.One of four ships that sailed recently from Macan to various kingdoms, which was en route to Macasar with two hundred and fifty persons, was wrecked on this island of Ainao, but only fourteen persons were drowned.The commandant added that the Society of Jesus is now preaching in that island, and that the people are rapidly embracing Christianity.The fathers had brought six boys, sons of the most influential men, to Macau to be educated better, and they show signs of great ability.When I asked him about the exile of the preachers from Chincheo, he only replied that the Castilians, as they are prepared to hold subject all the Indians of their conquests—as Mexico, Peru, and these islands—enter into other kingdoms with great bragging and boasts, which is the occasion of their ruin.

I have learned from some fathers of St. Dominic and the cura of Nueva Segobia (which is, one hundred and thirty leguas away from here) that Fray Diego Collado wrote a paper to Don Sebastian, after the reunion of the fathers of St.Dominic, which was entitled “Deceits, tricks, and plots of Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera,” in which he made disgraceful remarks to him.His Lordship sent it to his provincial, and the latter retired the father to the house of Nueva Segobia.He remained some months in prison, where he could neither hear nor say mass; and he is now locked up where he can hear it through a church gallery.

Today, May 20, at two o’clock, quite without our expecting it, and without the fires in Maribelez having announced it, the galleon “San Juan Baptista”—which had taken fifty days to come from Macan, a voyage which the patache made in nine—arrived.God delivered them from a great danger on some shoals, to which the currents were taking them swiftly during a calm.The fathers assert that they invoked the holy father Marcelo, the martyr of Jesus Christ, with great faith in the greatest danger.Thanks to the Lord, who has allowed them all to arrive safe and happy!Father Bartolome Roboredo has told us glorious things of the Christendom of Tumquin—where, this year alone, nine thousand have been baptized.He says that there are some fathers and a bishop even in Etiopa; and that the rulers do not molest the Catholics.The fathers of Jentafee, Tibet, and the kingdoms of Potente and Siranagar, have suffered various fortunes.In the court of the Megor [i.e., Mogul], the church was destroyed, and the fathers seized by those Moros, because they were confirming in the faith those Christians who had been taken captive from Bengala. But now affairs have begun to brighten; they have been granted liberty, and are aiding the Christians.By that means it is to be hoped that there will be at some other time a gateway into Tibet and Siranagar, the way to which must necessarily lie through [the country of] the Megor.It has been learned from Japon, from the very ones who are in power, that they are now tired and weary of killing Christians; and that they are not well satisfied with the Dutch and their trade.He adds that, because of what the holy father Marcelo declared to them in his martyrdom—namely, that they were rendering their nation infamous and obscuring their fame by the tortures that they were inflicting upon the private parts of Christians—the Japanese are generally angry, and do not wish that to be done.All the priests in Japon at present are three of the Society of Jesus, all Japanese.It is not known where they are wandering, and no letters have been received from them, because of the severity of the persecution.There is one other father, a European, named Juan Baptista Porro.They do not say that he is alive, for, although his death is not known, it is presumed that he is dead; for he was very old and worn out with labors, and it is several years since letters have been received from him.It is also said that there are hopes that that persecution will soon cease.Would to God that it might be so!

Yesterday, May 23, the day of the Holy Ghost, Don Sebastian arrived at this port, having left Tanaguan that morning—a distance of ten mortal leguas. He came in the Terrenate galleons, which, as the weather was bad, he left at the landing at Mindoro. He, as well as Father Juan de Barrios, was fatigued, which we could see was from the hardships that they have suffered; but, thanks to God, these have been well recompensed in service to God and to the general welfare of these islands.The chaplain Don Pedro de Francia died of fever in the ship, and, six days later, Captain Don Lope de Barahona, of the same sickness.Upon the arrival of Don Sebastian, the bells in our house were rung for a long time, as a mark of rejoicing.Later the bells were rung in the cathedral church, and that night there were illuminations in all the houses and convents.

Yesterday, May 27, the galleons of the Terrenate relief expedition anchored at this port.Father Hernando de Estrada says that twenty persons of various nations (for the galleons carried Joloans, Basilans, and the Bisayans who were freed from the captivity of Xolo) have died in the flagship since their departure from Sanboangan, and that sickness was caused by their close quarters; and that a goodly number have died in the almiranta and the patache; but it is a cause for great consolation that no Moro, male or female, has died without baptism.

Yesterday, May 31, Don Sebastian made his triumphant entrance into Manila, in the same manner as he had done, the year preceding, upon his arrival from Mindanao. I wrote concerning it, by the patache; and will only state here the number of pieces—namely, eleven of cast iron and one bronze culverin, these being large pieces. Among the medium-sized pieces and falcons there were fifteen. The best falcon had the arms and name of King Don Sebastian [of Portugal]. There were eleven smaller versos. The crowd of people in the windows and streets, the illuminations of the night, and the masquerades of the city, were the same as I wrote last year.

June 3, Corpus Christi day, the procession of thanks for the victory was united with that of the most holy sacrament, as I wrote last year.That same day the xalea which had been left in Xolo arrived.It brings news that the king and queen, who had fled from the stronghold with the other Joloans, have sent to say that they desire to settle in whatever place may be assigned to them, and to pay tribute to his Majesty.They promise to obey the conditions imposed on them by Don Sebastian.

Monday, June 7, the honors for those killed in war were performed in the soldiers’ church with the same solemnity as those of the past year.The father rector, Francisco Colin, preached to a generally appreciative audience.

Friday, June eleven, the flagship galley entered this port with a round sail, but no bastard; for a flash of lightning, which struck it, had torn it from top to bottom and killed two men.It brought some bronze artillery of the pieces captured at Jolo, in addition to what I mentioned in the triumph—as was told me by a man who comes from there, and who is well versed regarding artillery.The pieces with ladles mounted in the stronghold numbered in all eleven of cast iron, and eleven of bronze; also eleven other large falcons, besides the ordinary versos.

He says of Dato Ache, who is the greatest pirate, and the one who has done most damage to the Christians of all those of Jolo—and who is the one who persuaded the king and the others to fortify themselves, and to refuse to surrender to the Spaniards—that a mine which exploded and killed fifty Joloans, also caught him, so that he was completely buried.With only power to move one hand, he beckoned imploringly for help; his men hurried to his assistance, and got him out, much hurt.He recovered afterward, and when the others descended from the stronghold, he, with some other Malays, who were steadfastly of the opinion that they should not surrender, escaped, and left the island in great dudgeon at the king.

Sunday, June 20, when we celebrated the feast of the most holy sacrament, Father Francisco Rangel chanted his first mass in this college.He was one of the six who came from Macan to be ordained, and since his residence here has told us some remarkable things that happened four or five years ago, and, as I believe that very few there have any knowledge regarding them, I shall relate them here.

First, he says that the island of Ainao is as large as the island of Çicilia; and that it has its own natives, who are white-complexioned, and have a different aspect from that of the Chinese. The latter conquered the seacoast many years ago, and the natives retired to the mountains, whence it is their custom to descend to harry the Chinese—who are scattered, and have never subjected the natives to the payment of tribute. While Father Bento de Matos was in that island, two remarkable things occurred to him. In a city of the Chinese, where no means have yet been found whereby to make an entrance to instruct the natives—both because the language is special, and because they are always at war—it happened that the father, having no lodging, learned that there was a good unoccupied house, for, because of fear at I know not what noises that had been heard in it, no one would live in it.The father determined to enter and to live in that house, although his friends dissuaded him and told him their fears.He lived there quite a number of days, at the end of which, in the darkness of the night, a dead man appeared to him in the habit of a mandarin.The dead man told the father to look well at him, and note well his marks, and to go to the mandarin So-and-so, who was his brother, and tell him to disinter his body, which was buried in such and such a place near the altar; for it was the will of God that there should not be the body of a condemned heathen in a place where the holy body of His son Jesus Christ was offered to Him in acceptable sacrifice.The father gave the marks to the mandarin, who recognized that it was his brother.They dug in the place noted, and found the body entire in a casket and preserved with precious spices, with which it had been embalmed, and carried it to a separate place.

The other circumstance is, that every day when the said father said mass there, it was heard by a devout Christian, who, after rising suddenly, appeared so joyful and happy that the other Christians came to consider and even to believe him as mad.They resolved to censure him, and to advise him to have more moderation and modesty in the presence of so great a Lord.He answered them that he could not do otherwise than he had; for, on rising from the eucharist, he saw two most beautiful youths kneeling before the most holy sacrament, amid such lights and splendors that they bathed his soul in joy so great that it overflowed in its abundance to his body, and he could not restrain himself from manifesting it.

It happened to that same father that, while on a mission to Chincheo, some literati suddenly entered a chapel in which he was, to make a jest of him and of the God whom he was adoring.He kneeled down before a crucifix and said “Lord, do not abandon me among thine enemies.”The holy crucifix answered “No, son, I shall not abandon thee; but I am always with thee to aid thee.”Thereupon the literati, thunderstruck and full of fear, left the father, and went out of the chapel.

In one of these recent years, during a great baquio or typhoon, eighteen Dutch ships were wrecked on the coast of Chincheo.The Chinese beheaded some of those who escaped alive, and, having seasoned those heads with salt, took them with the other men whom they left alive to the court of Paquin, where they were all beheaded.For the aversion of the Chinese to people with blue eyes is great; and the reason is that it is said that there is an ancient prophecy that men with eyes of that color will conquer their kingdom.

About two years ago, six out of seven ships that left Olanda with reënforcements for India were sunk in the open sea, and only one arrived.

The king of China is commonly regarded by his vassals as a Christian: 1st, because he has only one wife; 2d, because he only adores the God of heaven; 3d, because he has tried to exterminate the bonzes. Among other plans [for the accomplishment of that], he employed that of having six thousand bonzes enlisted for the war against the Tartars. He sent them under the command of a great war mandarin, and all the six thousand died in the war. The captain alone escaped, and he was shortly after baptized; he is a very devout Christian, and is known as Doctor Miguel.The manner in which the king12 became a Christian is said to have been that the famous Doctor Pablo (who is now dead), having free entrance into the palace, often conversed with the king, whom he converted and baptized. The king has shown Ours favor by giving them a large convent of the bonzes in Paquin, and has given them lands for their support.

July 6, Father Melchor de Vera passed by way of this college, en route from Sanboanga.He gives us some particulars which it is well to know.Cachil Moncay attacked the new village which Cachil Corralat had built.He killed or captured about one hundred of his men, but Corralat escaped.Afterward when Dato Siqui brought his customary tribute to Corralat from the island of Little Sanguil, he attacked Moncay and killed him and others, so that the number of killed and captives reached eighty.

Father Vera met on his way here a champan from Terrenate, which tells him that Corralat, seeing himself expelled [from his towns] by Don Sebastian, sent messengers to the Moros of Terrenate, to beg for aid; but that the latter had refused it to him, as they had enough of their own affairs to attend to. The men of that champan also told him that the petty king of Great Sanguil talked with them, and said that he wished peace with the Spaniards, and would pay tribute to his Majesty.For greater security he gave them the young prince his son, so that they might give the boy to the governor as a token of peace.All these are the results of the two victories of Mindanao and Jolo.

Today, July 11, a large champan, which had sailed from the port of Macasar at the beginning of Lent, arrived at this port.They relate many acts of affection and favor which the king has shown to the Spaniards.Those aboard the champan assert that the king will be very glad of whatever ill-treatment Don Sebastian accords to the Macasars of Jolo, because they have taken arms against the vassals of his brother the king of Castilla.

Today, July 18, the patache sails with the reënforcements for the island of Hermosa, under the command of Don Pedro Fernandez del Rio.

Yesterday, July 23, at dawn, a Macan patache anchored in this roadstead. It comes from Camboja laden with rice, camanguian or benzoin, and other drugs.


1 Spanish, buenas collas de bendabalesIn August the prevailing winds at Manila are from the southwest, the vendavals.It often happens that in the months of June and July there develop in northern Luzón centers of minimum pressure so slowly that they appear to remain stationary for many days, followed, as is natural, by continuous currents and showers of rain from the third quadrant, known by the native-born residents as “collas” (Report of U. S. Philippine Commission, 1900, iv, pp. 229, 236; this chapter is furnished by the Jesuit fathers in charge of the Manila Observatory).

2 Juan Zubelzu, a native of Biscay, and a novice in the Dominican convent at Mexico, came to the Philippine Islands in the mission of 1615. After his ordination, he ministered to the Indians in Bataán, and in Cavite and Manila—where he died, December 14, 1657. He built a stone church in Samal, for which, it is remarked, he did not harass the Indians, although they were few in number. (Reseña biográfica, i, p.350.)

3 “Son of the devil, scourge of God, and other similar things.”

4 Spanish, padres barbados; also known as Barbones, from their practice of wearing long beards; they came in 1635, with Corcuera, headed by Collado, and formed the congregation of San Pablo (for mission work only), by “warrants fraudulently obtained.” A royal decree of February 21, 1637, commanded the Dominican provincial at Manila to suppress the Barbones; it is the execution of this decree which is described in our text. See Reseña biográfica, i.pp.338, 391, 420.

5 This statement about the Sangleys is printed by Barrantes as a postscript to Lopez’s letter of July 23, 1637 (q.v., VOL.XXVII).Internal evidence indicates Juan Lopez as the author of the present document, and that it was written at Cavite, where Lopez was in charge of the Jesuit house.

6 Melchor de Vera was born in Madrid about 1585, and entered the Jesuit order at the age of nineteen. Two years later, he departed for the Philippine mission, and after his ordination labored in the missions of Visayas and Mindanao. He was for a time minister of Manila college, and afterward rector of Carigara, and superior at Dapitan and Zamboanga. He was well versed in architecture and military defense, and several forts were built (especially that at Zamboanga) under his direction. He died at Cebú, April 13, 1646. See Murillo Velarde’s Hist.Philipinas, fol. 153 verso; and Combés’s Hist.Mindanao

7 Fernando de Estrada, a native of Ecija, Spain, was a missionary among the Bisayans and Tagáls, and at Ternate. He died at Manila in 1646, at the age of forty-five. See Murillo Velarde’s Hist.Philipinas, fol.193 verso.

8 Charles I sought at various times to play Spain against France, but his Spanish policy was, on the whole, a failure.

9 Morabites: the name of a Mahometan sect, founded by the son-in-law of Mahomet. The name was also used among Mahometans to indicate a wise man or a mystic.

10 Antonio Francisco Cardim was born at Viana, Portugal, in 1596, and entered the Jesuit order in February, 1611. Seven years later he went to India, and labored in Japan, China, and other countries until his death—which occurred at Macao, April 30, 1659. Sommervogel describes several missionary reports and other writings by Cardim.

11 That is, the small amount of their returns from Mexico prevented the Manila merchants from making their usual large purchases from the Chinese traders, and it was feared that the latter would not think it worth while to bring their goods to Manila.

12 This was Tsongching (VOL.XXII, p. 197, and note 44), the last emperor of the Ming dynasty; he was favorable to the Jesuits, but can hardly be called a convert to the Christian faith. By “Father Pablo” is probably meant Paul Siu (or Sin, according to Crétineau-Joly), a Chinese official of high standing, who was converted by Father Ricci, and served as an evangelist among his people, besides aiding the missionaries with gifts and his influence at court, and revising their writings in Chinese. See Crétineau-Joly’s Hist.Comp.de Jésus, iii, p. 172; and Williams’s Middle Kingdom, ii, pp.302, 304.

Letter from Corcuera to Felipe IV

Sire:

Last year I informed your Majesty that I had appointed Don Luis Arias de Mora as protector of the Sangleys in the Parián; he is a lawyer well known in this royal Audiencia, a man of virtue and of excellent abilities. On this account, with the salary of that office of protector (which he draws from the communal treasury of the said Sangleys), he is obliged to act as counsel for the archbishop in affairs of justice, in order to prevent the troubles that the friars brought upon him last year—inducing him to issue acts against the Order of the Society, and excommunicating the royal Audiencia and the governor of Filipinas. Since he promised that he would issue no mandates without the signed approval of this counselor, we have lived in peace, without there having been the least annoyance, or any interruption of our harmony; for the said counselor will not sign any act or document which the said archbishop causes to be drawn up if it contravenes the patronage and jurisdiction of your Majesty, or encroaches in any way upon your rights. For these reasons, and on account of the said Luis Arias de Mora’s long service as advocate in this royal Audiencia, and his excellent reputation for learning and talent, I entreat that your Majesty will be pleased to grant him the favor of confirming him in the said office of protector of the Sangleys, until some greater favor be bestowed upon him; any office will be well served, if conferred upon him.May our Lord protect the Catholic person of your Majesty, as Christendom has need.Manila, August 21, 1638.Sire, your vassal kisses your Majesty’s feet.

Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera

[Endorsed: “February 26, 1639; provision is made for this.” ]

Letter to Felipe IV from the Treasurer at Manila

Sire:

If my so great obligations to your Majesty—not only since you are my king and natural sovereign, but since you have honored me so generously in these islands by employing my person in the post of official judge-treasurer of your royal estate—necessarily and strictly did not oblige me to inform your Majesty of the manner in which the said royal estate is administered here, its condition, and the so great ruin that it has suffered and is suffering since it was your Majesty’s pleasure to have Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera come to govern these islands in the year thirty-five, I should have to arouse myself and take courage to place before the pious eyes of your Majesty this memoir of disasters; for no other title or name can be given to the calamities that have rushed pellmell both on the said royal estate, and on us afflicted ministers who have it in charge, to the so great peril and discredit of our persons. The matter, Sire, is a very long drawn out one, and hence it is impossible to compass it in a few lines; and I in my rashness will weary your Majesty’s ears. But the love and zeal which move me will perhaps avail to remove from me censure for my boldness.

Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera entered this city in the latter part of June, 635, to assume this government.He showed apparent signs of an endeavor to excel, in his honest and careful attitude toward your royal estate; but we were soon undeceived by his so unexpected and inconsiderate resolution not to despatch the ships which your Majesty has ordered, by so many decrees and ordinances, to be sent annually to Nueva España with the property of the inhabitants of this city—so that the usual situado might be sent back in them to these islands from the proceeds of your royal duties, and serve as a help to the great and numerous expenses which your Majesty is incurring annually in the increase and preservation of so many of the faithful as have in these regions deserved to receive the holy water of baptism.Yet it was a fact that Don Juan Cereço de Salamanca (who was concluding his governorship, to which he had been appointed by the viceroy of Nueva España), had prepared two ships, and their cargoes were aboard—the lading-space having been allotted, in accordance with the orders given by your Majesty, among the inhabitants of this city.The losses and damage that have resulted, both to your royal estate and to the property of the merchants of these islands, are so considerable and momentous that I would not dare to name them.Your Majesty’s ministers in Mexico, in whose charge is the management of your royal estate, will have already reported them to you, for they will be able to do it with more accurate knowledge and certainty; and, consequently, I think that they will already have come to your Majesty’s ears.

A few days ago the governor introduced in this royal camp of Manila a cavalry company of twenty-nine men or soldiers, with their captain, one lieutenant, one alférez, one standard-bearer, and one corporal; each soldier was to receive 168 pesos’ pay per annum, the captain 1,200, the lieutenant, 480, the alférez, 380, the corporal, 216, and one trumpler, 120—the total amounting to 7,248 pesos.It was for the sole purpose of being employed nightly in squads to close the gates of the city and to patrol it; and it was all to spare the infantry from fatigue, although the latter had until then been employed in that duty with much more security to the city, and with the correction of many lawless acts which we have been experiencing here since, and which have been committed by the very men who are deputed to obviate them.When the said governor ordered us to inscribe that new order in the royal books, and to furnish the papers to the said soldiers with pay so increased, we, seeing of how little importance and effectiveness the said company was, and that there was no order from your Majesty for its creation, warned him of that—besides giving him other reasons which will already have been seen by your Council, for we enclosed a copy of both of them in the letters that we wrote in the year 1636.Still, notwithstanding that, the governor ordered the command to be obeyed.Accordingly we did so, and the command has been, and is being, observed; and the governor refuses to recede in so pernicious a decision as is the increase of [expenses with] pay so large as this, and so unnecessary, and, moreover, when your royal treasury in these islands has so many and so great necessities.

Although there was, upon the arrival of the said governor, as much infantry in this city and these presidios, as in the times of previous governors, and even more, inasmuch as he had brought in those ships a very large and fine consignment of men (for they numbered more than five hundred men)—a considerable reënforcement, and sufficient to have garrisoned and manned your Majesty’s forts—he raised two companies of ninety-six Pampango Indians apiece, on his own counsel alone, and unnecessarily, so that they might take part with the Spaniards in the guard and watch of this city. The following pay [was assigned]: the captain, 240 pesos per annum; two drummers, each 24 pesos; the alférez, 120 pesos; his standard-bearer, 24 pesos; the sergeant, 84 pesos; the four corporals, 60 pesos apiece. Hence, both companies have an annual expense of 10,728 pesos, for those two companies are paid monthly the amount of their pay. Not only are those companies still kept up, but they have also been augmented since the past year, 637, by two other companies—one for this camp, which is here at present; and the other in the new presidios of Jolo and Camboja—besides 72 other Pampango Indians, who are stationed in the fort at the port of Cavite. All together mean an expense of 25,092 pesos per year to the royal treasury. I assure your Majesty that this matter ought to be looked at with the greatest attention, in order that things might not be so managed; for it is a useless and needless expense when, as I have said, your royal treasury suffers so great losses as it does, by the so terrible and irreparable damage which the province from which those Indians are drafted has suffered, as they are all tillers of the soil, and tributaries of your Majesty. Many losses to your royal estate follow, because they and their wives are exempted from paying the tribute during the time while they serve in their posts as soldiers.Besides, as this province [of Pampanga] abounds so plentifully in rice, and your Majesty needs so much of it for the rations of so great a number of persons as are employed in the building and repairing of the vessels in the port of Cavite, and for the sailors and soldiers, it is obvious that the said province will be diminished; for it is necessary to allot the vendalas and repartimientos upon the few who remain, instead of on the many, so that with a few exactions of this sort the poor Indians will be driven to the wall, and will find it necessary to desert their huts and take to the woods.That would mean the total ruin and destruction of that district, which is the support of this colony.

As the governor immediately undertook to despatch the usual reënforcement and situado to the forts of Terrenate, he appointed a chief commander with 3,000 pesos, and an admiral with 2,000—although until then there had been no such officers as commander-in-chief and admiral; but only one commandant, who received 60 ducados of eleven reals per month, while those who were placed in command of the other pataches received very moderate pay. We remonstrated, as we were bound to do, warning the governor that there was no order from your Majesty for the creation of such salaries. He referred the decision of this matter to the treasury meeting, where we found two auditors and Doctor Juan Fernandez de Ledo (who was exercising the duties of fiscal), and the factor and treasurer. All except the said Doctor Juan Fernandez de Ledo, who was of the governor’s opinion, opposed the said pay, giving very powerful and cogent reasons therefor.Notwithstanding that, the governor ordered the said salaries to be made good, and said that he would report the matter to your Majesty.Hence, Sire, he will by no means listen to any proposition which is made for the benefit and use of the royal treasury, if it is contrary to his opinion.

The same thing happened in the said meeting when they were assigning the salaries to the chaplains whom he appointed in the said galleons of Terrenate, and in all the others that sailed from these islands for any place.It was an expense as avoidable as the others which he has introduced, for it is a fact that religious are always ready to serve those posts because of the accommodations that they receive in the galleons, especially in those that sail to Nueva España.For when the religious sail in them as passengers they must obtain permission, and the accommodation of a berth, and, as this costs money and trouble, it is found to be no little convenience to give them the posts as chaplains; and they have not claimed or demanded any pay, and they have been employed in this ministry in all the past.Therefore one can understand how superfluous is that expense.

There are five convents of religious within the walls of this city of Manila, and one of nuns; the church of La Misericordia, the seminary of Santa Potenciana, the cathedral church, and the hospital for the Spaniards or soldiers. That makes ten churches in all, and they are so near and close to one another that the divine offices can be heard from one to another, if one pays moderate attention. So small and narrow> is the district of the city, and so few the people in the churches, that if there was no more than one convent of religious and the cathedral church, they could be sufficiently taken care of and without too great fatigue [to the priests]. Although this was the fact of the case, the governor, a very few days after his arrival, began to build a church for his soldiers, saying at the beginning that the expense for the building was to be taken from the soldiers’ own pay, and that no expense would be incurred by the royal treasury. But he did not keep his word, although the said church was fully built, together with some barracks and quarters for the said soldiers to live in. In the erection of it, more than eighty thousand pesos have been already spent, while the amount charged to the infantry is not in excess of sixteen thousand pesos. Consequently, it has been necessary that the remaining funds should be supplied from the royal treasury, although it would be more proper to expend that sum in building galleons to carry the goods of this city to Nueva España. For with galleons the royal treasury will be increased, and thereby will the governor obey the many and urgent orders which your Majesty has been pleased to issue in this regard; and the vassals and inhabitants of these islands would not be so ruined, and so hopeless of returning to their former state. It was all occasioned by the governor’s resolution not to despatch any ships during the year of 635 and that of 637; and even next year, 639, there is little assurance that he will despatch them, for there is no money with which to prepare them. If that were done, we could entertain stronger hopes; because, as I write this, the usual succor from Mexico has not yet arrived, as only one very small patache was despatched last year, and there is doubt that it was able to reach port.On that account we are so perplexed and afflicted that it is even a special providence of God that we are able to breathe.

The ships which are being despatched this year are sailing without a register; for, as yet, the inhabitants have not registered a shred of cloth with which to lade them, as they do not know the condition of their property in Nueva España. As they are so ruined as regards their capital, they are, according to my way of thinking excusable. But I have been unable to find any excuse in any way for the governor, who has, by his so extraordinary and unadvised resolutions, placed this city in the last straits; and has paid no attention to those who, with foresight, have represented to him these great damages, besides those which have followed and will follow to the royal estate of your Majesty. For this year alone (and I do not speak of former years), more than one hundred and fifty thousand pesos have been spent on these ships, both for the preparation that has been necessary, and for the pay of the commanders, pilots, and other seamen and other officials who sail in them, and for the food. Your Majesty will never be reimbursed for that sum, for, as no cargo goes in the ships, there can be no duties collected; and it is from these duties that the funds for these expenses must be obtained, as your Majesty has ordered and commanded. Hence, Sire, it becomes necessary to say that it seems as if your Majesty had sent the governor to these islands to ruin and destroy your royal estate, rather than to increase and preserve it. This conclusion, if relief does not come speedily, will be seen to be verified with the great loss of all, and the special sorrow of us who, as your Majesty’s faithful ministers and servants, are bound to strive for the increase of your royal estate.

In the past year, 637, because these coasts were being infested by the kings of Mindanao and Jolo, with great loss and damage to the Christian Indians and your Majesty’s vassals, the governor left this city with two fine large fleets—the first on February two, and the second on December eight. Both were despatched against the advice of all the soldiers who were experienced in this country—both because of the risk to which the governor exposed his person, and because of the so heavy expenses that it was necessary to incur; and furthermore, since there are very honorable soldiers in these islands, to whom these expeditions can be entrusted with the hope that they will give an excellent account of them. And thus he would have avoided a very large part of the expense, and even of the loss of very brave soldiers who died in both expeditions; for more than four hundred Spaniards died, among whom were many persons of high standing [in this colony]. That is a loss which ought to be wept with many tears, because of the lack that they will create when they will be most necessary. In the first expedition, 9,867 pesos were spent from your royal estate; and in the second, 47,171 pesos. He has tried and is trying to cover the expense of both expeditions by the value of the slaves, and other things of little account, which he took as booty in both expeditions; and by other communications, which will be seen in your Council, according to the relations or certifications which he has given to us. Most of it can have but little foundation, as there is nothing more than what the governor has been pleased to give.But it will be well to consider that although the fifth part of any booty taken belongs to your Majesty (as is a fact), he has ordered all the artillery, and other war supplies and ammunition to be valued and adjudged as part compensation for the expense incurred.That is a thing which, according to my understanding, could not be done; for he is attempting to persuade your Majesty that he is giving you something.Since that is clearly yours by law, there is no reason for [thus] adjudging it, under any of the pretexts of which, [to judge] from appearances like these, he always avails himself to accredit his own actions.

Beside the building of the church, barracks, and quarters for the soldiers, he has constructed other buildings of not inconsiderable extent, and of the same necessity and importance as the aforesaid, at the royal hospital of this city. He has bought some houses that are near it for eight thousand pesos, in order that the chaplain, apothecary, and physician may live in them. Your Majesty has assigned them a very sufficient remuneration, and they have always been contented with it, and have not asked for houses in which to live. The governor has also added a room to the said hospital (where the religious of St. Francis had their living apartments before his arrival), without sense or reason. He has spent a great sum of pesos in its building; and a great sum has also been and is being spent in the support of the sick of the said hospital—although they were supported most abundantly in past years with two thousand five hundred or three thousand pesos at the most. Now seven thousand pesos and upward are spent, and we cannot see in what this increase consists, although we are not ignorant that the sick are less carefully attended and nursed than before.

A Portuguese nobleman, an inhabitant of Macan, by name Don Diego de Miranda Enriquez, came from that city to this during the former year of 636, with a quantity of arquebuses, muskets, nails for the ships, and rough iron.Having sent for us that we might bargain and pay for it, we did so, availing ourselves for that purpose of the recent example that we had for it in the previous year, 1635, which was accredited and approved by the said governor.Nevertheless, after several months the governor fined the factor and me (for we were the ones who made the said contract and rendered payment, as the accountant was then living in the port of Cavite) without our knowing what crime we had committed, in the sum of two thousand one hundred and thirty-three pesos, five tomins; for he said that we had not observed his orders in the said contract.After he had conferred over the matter with your auditors, and they being of the opposite opinion, nevertheless, holding his own even to the end, he had us notified of the act imposing the said fine.We appealed from it to your Audiencia, where we were freed from the prosecution.The said governor was indeed very angry at that; and he even gave your auditors to so understand, and that, in matters of justice, he even was trying to tie their hands.

At the very beginning of his governorship, the said Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera tried to change the inferior employees of the tribunal of your royal officials. Among the others whom he appointed was the weigher of coins, notwithstanding that we opposed that. For your Majesty has been pleased to honor us with your special decrees, in which you order that we ourselves choose our employees, so that they may be to our satisfaction; and that your governors give their titles to those whom we should thus propose to them. [We also opposed it] because the said governor ordered us to admit the said weigher to the enjoyment and exercise of his office without bonds, although all those who had thus far exercised that office had given bonds in the sum of four thousand pesos for the security of your royal estate, as it is an office that requires great faithfulness because of the many and continually-recurring opportunities that present themselves for him to make considerable thefts without your royal officials being able to put a stop to it. That has been proved to us by experience, for, notwithstanding all our efforts in watching him, at the end of a year and slightly more (for so long a time did he hold the said office) we found that he had stolen more than three thousand five hundred pesos from your royal treasury. We began a prosecution in your royal Audiencia. The said governor, seeing that the weigher was proved to be a criminal by what was enacted, and by his confession and deposition, in order that he might not be completely exposed, had a memorial presented [to the Audiencia] through a father of the Society of Jesus—in which it is stated that a man had declared in confession that he was the thief, and that the said weigher was not guilty; and had given him a certain number of pay-warrants with which to satisfy, by way of restitution, the [claim for] three thousand five hundred pesos. The said governor ordered that this reparation should be accepted; and although the pay-warrants had no justification—as their owners had been dead for many years, and the papers contained no cessions or powers by virtue of which receipts should be given and signed—we had to receive them, because, as they had been examined before the auditor of accounts, and attested by him, they were [technically] entirely sufficient, and could and ought to be received. Thereupon, the said weigher went scot free from prison. The said governor immediately sent him to Macan, in order to remove him from the danger that might meet him at any time in this city. In this manner, Sire, was so serious a crime as the aforesaid punished; and in this wise does the governor protect his henchmen, for there is no human strength which can oppose his. This is a consideration that causes not a little sorrow to your Majesty’s servants and ministers; for only that name is left us, for we have been stripped, for the sole purpose of being able to depreciate and even disaccredit us, of all the power and authority which your Majesty was pleased to give us in our titles, and in the ordinances and many other decrees. However, I think and trust, God helping, that that will not be attained, however vigilant the governor may be; for we are and shall be always in your Majesty’s service, and hope that, as our pious king and sovereign, you will always examine our causes, and that you will pity us for the calamities and miseries that we are suffering for the sole reason of being so far from your royal presence, and that you will take what corrective measures are most pleasing to you. With that hope we receive new courage, although in the midst of so many perils, to fulfil our obligations, as faithful and grateful vassals and ministers of your Majesty, whose royal person may our Lord preserve, with the increase of greater and more extensive empires, as is necessary to us all.Manila, August 31, 1638.

Don Baltasar Ruiz de Escalona

Bañuelos y Carrillo’s Relation

Relation of the Filipinas Islands, by Admiral Don Hieronimo de Bañuelos y Carrillo1

The city of Manila is the chief city of the islands of Luçon, or the Filipinas. It lies in a latitude of fourteen degrees thirty minutes, is fortified on one side by the sea, and on its land side has a castle called Santiago, although that castle furnishes no great defense. The artillery of that castle points seaward, in order to prevent the entrance of [hostile] vessels—which can, however, enter there, without the cannon doing them any great damage. The chief port of these islands is called Cavite, and there the ships from Nueva España are anchored. That port of Cavite serves as a refuge for our sailors; it is sheltered from the heavy winds, and very secure. Manila, on the contrary, is an open bay, beaten by the north winds. The anchorage there is very poor, and the entrance very difficult; but, on the other hand, it is very well supplied with all that is necessary for commerce and for war. One may say that it serves as a magazine for the richest commerce in the world. There is abundance of bread, flesh, and wine there; and although the wine is not so good as that of España, those of the country who are accustomed to it do not hesitate to prefer it to that of Goa, or that of Mexico—although those are used only for the mass, and that of España for the tables of the richest men.The Portuguese of Goa also send abundance of provisions there, so that they can be bought in Manila at a very good bargain.There are one hundred and fifty fires [i.e., households] in Manila.The houses of the city are so suitable and those of the country so charming that life in those islands is altogether delightful.At one musket-shot from the city can be seen the Parián, the lodging of the Sangleys or Chinese merchants.There are about twenty thousand of them, all merchants whom business has attracted to that place.It is a very curious place to see, because of the fine order in which they live.Every kind of merchandise has its own separate quarter, and those goods are so rare and curious that they merit the admiration of the most civilized nations.2

View of city of Manila; photographic facsimile of engraving in Mallet’s Description de l’univers (Paris, 1683)

[From copy in Library of Congress]

Although that Parián is built only of wood, and the Chinese who live there have no weapons, we do not fail to keep a strong guard on that side.We even have some pieces of artillery pointed toward that city, for the Chinese are a very spirited and bold nation.We have experienced that heretofore, and are still threatened [with danger] in that hour that we are not so closely on our guard.There is no Spanish house where nine or ten of these merchants cannot be seen every morning, who take their merchandise there; for all the traffic passes through their hands, even all that is used for the sustenance of the Spaniards.There are some men who say that they mix a slow poison in our food, which works its effect chiefly on the women.It is a fact that a woman who reaches the age of twenty-six years is seldom seen.Those persons add that their intention in doing that is to prevent the Spaniards from fortifying themselves more strongly in that island, and that the Chinese would drive them out entirely.That would be very easy for them, by employing such means, if it were not for the interest that they have in the commerce of the silver of Nueva España.These people have a subtle and universal intelligence.They imitate whatever one presents to them, and they make the article as well as do those who invented it.The riches of Manila, and the felicity of existence there, are steadily decreasing.I shall relate here the causes for it, having regard only to the service of God and of the king.

The chief cause for the ruin of these islands is the great trade that the Sangleys carry on. The king has permitted the inhabitants of the Manilas to export a portion of their capital to Nueva España. in the merchandise of that country. The Spanish inhabitants daily lend their names to those Sangleys and to the Portuguese of Macao, so that they may enjoy the freedom of that commerce. These people do not attempt to hide the fact that they are acting as agents for the inhabitants of Mexico; and these last years they sent such a quantity of merchandise to Peru and to Nueva España that no sale could be found for it. That is a hindrance to the voyages of the trading fleet. The king of China could build a palace with the silver bars from Peru which have been carried to his country because of that traffic, without their having been registered, and without the king of España having been paid his duties, as has been well shown by Dom Pedro de Quiroga y Moya. That silver was sent at the account of influential persons, who do not reside at the Manilas. The two vessels which left in his time paid more duties to the king than all the other ships put together which had made that voyage before; that clearly shows the neglect of the other officials commissioned to receive the duties from his Majesty. They have attempted to conceal this truth, by saying that those ships were richer than the others because Dom Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera had written, in the preceding year, that he would not send the vessels that year; and that he had even detained and caused the unlading of those that had been on the point of sailing on the voyage to Acapulco. I do not know his reason for so doing, but I know well that he wrote that resolution at the Embocadero of Manila—that is to say, eighty leguas from the city—and that without having consulted the inhabitants of the Manilas. Those of the country are agreed that that delay has been their ruin; for they all know that they cannot maintain themselves against the Dutch or against the Mahometans except by means of the regular succor that is sent them from Nueva España.

The marqués de Cadereta3 came at that time to act as viceroy of Nueva España. He sent a large reënforcement to the islands very opportunely, under command of General Don Andres Cottigllo. The latter brought news that Don Pedro de Quiroga had arrived at Mexico to inform against the officials of his Majesty, and that he would go to Acapulco to inspect the ships and regulate the Chinese commerce. The inhabitants of the Manilas and the factors of the Portuguese tried to get back their merchandise that they had already laded on the vessels, being fearful of that news and that name of visitor. But having finally recovered courage, they laded the two vessels that the governor had detained the preceding year, which were worth about five millions in gold. Nevertheless those of the country affirmed that they were not so richly laden as those which had sailed before, for one of the chief merchants4 had not put a single box aboard.

They report another reason for obscuring so apparent a truth. They say that Don Pedro de Quiroga had specified among the orders that he had drawn up as a remedy for the disorders of the past, that for those ships; and that it was he alone who prevented their sailing. But he himself says that that is false, and that he had heard that those who had encomiendas [Fr. , commanderies], and the merchants of Mexico, had resorted to entreaties to Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera (for I cannot believe that they were in compact with him); and that they had represented to him the great quantity of Chinese merchandise then in Mexico, and declared that, if new vessels were sent there, a market could not be found for that merchandise, and that the merchants of Mexico and Nueva España would lose a great amount by it.

Don Pedro de Quiroga adds that having learned that the governor of the Filipinas had given his word not to have any new vessels sail, in order to better carry out his Majesty’s service, he had employed this expedient—namely, that if they entered the port that year, they would enjoy the benefit of the rules which had been made during that time; but that, if they came only the following year, they would not enjoy these, and that they would pay the king’s duties in all strictness. That plainly showed that he was advised of the promise which the governor of the islands had given to the merchants of Mexico, to detain the vessels and the merchandise that ought to have been sent that year. The transaction was, in truth, greatly to the interest of the inhabitants of Mexico, and of the Spaniards who have encomiendas—although to the great prejudice of the islands, which cannot get along without the reënforcement which they ought to have annually from Mexico; and to the decrease of his Majesty’s duties, which are an aid in the discharge of the expense for that succor.In fine, if the marqués de Cadereta had not reënforced the islands as powerfully as he did, they would have fallen into extreme need.It would be easy for me to show here other consequences of that delay of the vessels which Don Juan Cereço y Salamanca had prepared to sail that year, as is done every year; and it will not be more difficult for me to demonstrate the other damages that we suffer in that commerce.The inhabitants of the Manilas have nothing on those vessels; their cargoes belong entirely to the Chinese, to the Portuguese of Macao, or to the Mexican merchants.If the king does not put a stop to it, the Chinese will absorb all the riches of Peru, and the subjects of the king in those islands will be forced to abandon them.I will go on to represent to your Excellency the other disorders in the government of those islands, as far as I have been able to learn them in the short time that I have spent there.

The encomiendas are ruined. Formerly the king rewarded soldiers with them, and now the islanders, who were formerly assigned under those encomiendas, have become our enemies. There has been failure to instruct those innocent people in the Catholic faith, and that is the only title under which the king of España holds that country, which does not belong to his patrimony. Instead of making them our friends and brothers, we have made them our domestic enemies. We have received the Sangleys in their place, with whom the profit of the traffic always embroils us. Let one consider what damage has been committed since by the inhabitants of the island of Mindanao.They have overrun the shores of these islands with their caracoas or little boats, and the governor was forced to leave the city in the hands of the Sangleys, in order to leave the island and to go to make war on them, where he lost more than one hundred and thirty Spaniards, without being able to bring the war to a successful end.In this it cannot be said that he was not greatly to blame; for one of his officers named Nicolás Gonzales, at the first war cry, forced one of their best positions without the loss of a single man, whence the governor had been unable to drive them with all his forces.5

We have also as enemies the people of Jolo and those of Terrenate, who are also more to be feared on account of the help that they get from the Dutch. They declare themselves neutral, but they help the Dutch underhandedly on all occasions. The chiefs of those Indians take the title of kings, but they are among the kings who go quite naked and who live by their labor. True, those of Macassar, of Cochinchina, and of Cambaya, are more powerful. But for all that, it would be enough for us, for the little help that we can get out of them, to become the arbitrator of their differences, and thus to keep them favorable to our side. But since they have seen that we have made this friendship with the Sangleys, with the inhabitants of Martavan, of Borneo, and other neighboring islands, they have broken off all trade with us, and have begun to take all the products of their country to the Dutch, so that they do nothing except at their orders. If for that reason also the king does not prevent the trade with the Sangleys, the Filipinas are lost. I come now to the remedy that can be applied to this disorder.

Among all those one hundred and fifty families who are settled at Manila, there are not two who are very rich.My plan would be to allow those inhabitants to export Chinese merchandise to the value of two hundred and fifty thousand escudos, the greater part of which should be raw silk and cotton bolls, so that they could be manufactured in this country [i.e., Mexico]. For there is less [chance for] trickery in that sort of merchandise than in the stuffs manufactured in China, which ought never to be allowed to be taken to Manila. The permission of trade to that sum would also be proportioned to the ability of the Manila merchants; and they would get more than five hundred thousand escudos in return for it, for the profits of that trade are exorbitant. Today even, when there is so much of this merchandise, four hundred per cent is gained on the poorest quality exported. By that means the Spaniards could be employed in manufacturing that silk, the textiles would be better, and they would secure innumerable other advantages. Accordingly, the inhabitants of the Manilas would not charge themselves with the commissions of Mexico, and they would get all the profit derived from those islands, which is now quite universally in the hands of foreigners. Further, as their affairs in the country became more prosperous, they would become more interested in its conservation; and they would be more careful to have the Indians, who have been assigned to them in encomiendas, instructed and held in subjection. They would save what they give to their agents in Mexico, who often ruin them. They keep their merchandise two or three years, and it has a poor sale in Mexico, because of the great quantity that is taken there; and trading only at Acapulco, and conducting their own business, they alone would enjoy, and that every year, the profits of that traffic.

Fifty thousand escudos could be employed in white mantas, unbleached [cruës] and of excellent quality; that is a kind of merchandise very largely used among the Indians, and Mexico has great need of it. That would be the right commerce that ought to be carried on by pilots and sailors; for some of it can always be sold, and those people are obliged to sell it quickly. Care must be taken that only that quantity be carried, and that any surplus be confiscated; and the governors and other officials should be very careful in this. In order that your Excellency may see that I am not trying to weaken the commerce of those islands, as some might believe, I will state here that the inhabitants of the Manilas should be allowed to export as many shiploads as possible of the products of their country—such as wax, gold, perfumes, ivory, and lampotes. Those they would buy from the natives of the country, thus preventing them from carrying those goods to the Dutch. Thus would the people become friendly, and would supply Nueva España with that merchandise; and the silver taken to the Manilas would not be exported thence. I may be told that the king of China does not use that silver to make war on us; but even if it is used only to swell his treasury, it is as lost to us as if it were at the bottom of the sea. Your Excellency should consider that one and one-half millions in gold are sent annually to China. If what I have just said be closely observed, the merchandise of the Manilas will be sold to good advantage, and the natives of the country will become our friends; while their neighbors will leave the Dutch, who are deriving heavy profits from them; for there is scarcely a place in those islands where the Dutch do not possess a factory.Thus have they become the masters, and they give arms to the natives to make war on us.Add to all these considerations that the Spaniards inhabiting the islands will not be obliged to be continually on their guard because of twenty thousand Sangleys or enemies, whom they have in a corner of the world where the Spaniards can muster scarcely eight hundred men.

Perhaps your Excellency will be told that, if we break with the Sangleys, they will go to live in the island of Formosa, or in some other place among the Dutch, and will carry to them the trade that they have with us; and that, having enjoyed the trade of Japon as conveniently as we have that of the Western Indias, they will still carry their merchandise to Nangazaki, the chief port of Japon, from which they will also obtain silver. To that I will reply that the kingdom of China is so full of merchandise, and the Sangleys are so shrewd in commerce, and so keen after gain, that they know what quantity of that merchandise is needed by the English, how much by the Dutch, and what quantity ought to be sold in all of Japon—and that with so great exactness that a tailor, after once seeing the figure of a person, decides how much goods is necessary to clothe him. They do the same in regard to us, and, knowing that only two ships sail annually to Nueva España, they generally have in the Parian the quantity necessary to lade those ships. If the inhabitants of the Manilas had trade with Japon, they would derive great profit from it; but a secret judgment of God has broken the communication that we had with those islanders, and has given it into the hands of the heretics, after having permitted them to destroy our churches there, and their having put to fire and sword all the Spaniards or Japanese Christians there.Hence we do not believe that a single religious is now left in all the country; and the people are compelled, under pain of death, to come to denounce those whom they know to be Christians.Our religious go there no longer, for it means certain death to them to go to Japon.The following is the manner in which that persecution was reported.

A Vizcayan captain, named Sebastian,6 having sailed from the port of Acapulco for an island called Ricca doro,7 was blown by a heavy gale to the latitude of that island; and, not being able to anchor, put in at Japon, and with the curiosity of a seaman sounded the ports of that kingdom. That novel proceeding made the Japanese suspicious. They asked an Englishman who was then allied to them what could be the design of that Spaniard. He told them that the Spaniards were a warlike nation, who were aiming at universal monarchy; that they always commenced their conquest by means of the religious; that after the religious of that nation had been permitted to preach there, and to build churches, they considered the conquest of that kingdom as secure; that that vessel had come to reconnoiter the country, and the entrance of the ports, and that it would be followed by a great army, which would complete that design.At that juncture a tono8 or prominent lord of the country died. The emperor had formerly tried to buy from him a house built for recreation; but that lord, who was fond of that place, refused to sell it. He was a Catholic, and left it at his death to the Jesuits, whereupon the latter thought it best to pay their respects to the emperor by offering it to him. That prince reflected that what an emperor could not accomplish, the Jesuits his subjects had compassed. Putting that reflection with the advice of the Englishman, he determined to exterminate the Catholics. That resolution was so executed that there are no Christians in Japon, except only the Portuguese from Macao. I am too much ashamed to name the conditions to which they submit, in order that they may be received there.

Since that time all the trade of that island has fallen into the hands of the Dutch, English, Portuguese, and Sangleys, although the king of China has forbidden the last named to have any communication with the inhabitants of Japon, under penalty of death, because the Japanese had formerly revolted against China, of which they had formed a part. But for all that, their greed for silver makes them go there as they do to the Manilas, so that Japon does not lack any of the goods that pass through the hands of those peoples. As for the silver, the Dutch do not carry any more to China or to Japon, because those countries get all the amount that they can buy by means of the Sangleys who live in the Manilas. It would be very advantageous to the inhabitants of the Manilas and to his Majesty to break off that commerce with the Chinese, and it is unnecessary to say that by that means advantageous disposition may be made of the silver of Peru and the silks of the Filipinas—for in truth the king does not find there his account; the silks would come to Mexico with greater advantage, and the islanders and his Majesty would get more profit from it, and that at the admission of all informed persons. As for the governor, he should possess the following qualities: he should be discreet; his distance from Madrid, and his authority as governor, should not make him presumptuous, but should serve rather as a check than as a cause for vanity; he should be a fine seaman, and very sedulous in despatching and making the ships sail every year. All the exports should be registered. In order that the islands be better reënforced, the ships should be of five hundred toneladas, and they should have two decks, better equipped than they have as yet been; for if they are poorly equipped they take much time in making their voyage, and have been the cause of great expense to his Majesty. Besides, the viceroy of Nueva España has been unable to make them depart by the first of April, as would be necessary. Those vessels ought only to carry seamen. The offices of the ships ought not to be sold to merchants, but given as a reward to those who have served well at sea. Great disorders have happened from that, which was the former custom, and because the offices of pilot, boatswain’s mate, and steward have been sold.

In the year 1637, when I was about to set out as admiral of the vessels that were to take the reënforcements to those islands, I went to the port of Acapulco. There I found the vessel “San Juan Bautista,” which had come that year from those islands, and which had lost its mast on the way. I endeavored to get Don Pedro de Quiroga to advise the marqués de Cadereta of the poor condition of the masts and other rigging of the vessel. He refused to permit it, and compelled me to embark, telling me that if we failed to embark by the first day of the month of April, we would run the risk of losing our voyage. While at sea, I asked the boatswain’s mate for an inventory of the sails and rigging. I found that there were no spare sails, but one single cable, and one other old cable, which was used to make fast the pieces of artillery that were rolling about the ship. Ordering him to bring me also the inventory of what there was when they left the islands, I found that it had been equipped with three spare sails, five cables, and a quantity of rigging. He answered me that the sea had carried away the sails and that the ship had lost its cables as they left San Bernardino. Without pressing him further, he confessed to me that he had used the money that had been given him for that purpose in buying merchandise, in order to discharge a debt of three thousand escudos that he had paid for his post of boatswain, but that he had not found his account in that merchandise. I endeavored to punish him. He appealed to the commander-in-chief, and the latter ordered me not to prosecute him until I should have arrived at the Manilas.At the Manilas he was excused, because they said that he had paid three thousand escudos, although he had made the king lose more than sixty thousand.Those who furnish the provisions for the crew put in food of poor quality.The pilots cram their room at the stern with merchandise, thus endangering the vessel.Had I encountered a capful of wind during that voyage, I could scarcely have finished it.I had to take a capstan at Maribeles to lift my anchor, and to make the port of Cabite, which is three leguas from that place.Thus for the twenty thousand escudos that is drawn from the sale of those offices, thirty thousand are lost, and the fleet is in danger of being lost—which means, of losing those islands.It is not sufficient to give the offices to sailors who deserve them; it is not at all necessary to compel them to perform the functions of soldiers when they have no inclination for it, or to punish them when they gamble, as is done.

It is of great importance to have galleys on these coasts; that is the means of keeping away from them the Dutch, and the Indians from Mindanao and Jolo—who do not cease to be hostile to the Spaniards, although they have neither courage nor discipline; for one Spaniard has been seen to put twenty of their caracoas to flight with only one shot from his musket. The enemy most to be feared are the Dutch, who have taken possession of that sea. It is easy to manage the oared vessels of that country, and they have been used in several emergencies to tow the vessels, which otherwise would have been in danger of being wrecked. Besides, those boats are more suitable for a sea like that, full of islands, than vessels with high freeboard. It would also be very much to the point to have work done in Camboya in the building of new vessels, as the wood of those parts, and that of Angely, resist the seaworms and decay better than other woods, and especially those of the Filipinas.

In the year 1637, when I arrived at the islands, there were no vessels ready for Nueva España. They were obliged to send a small vessel of one hundred toneladas to advise the marqués de Cadereta of their wretched condition, and to entreat him to send the usual reënforcement—notwithstanding the prohibition of the commerce with Peru, and their knowledge that there were no vessels at Acapulco. That showed how important it is to be continually building vessels for the Filipinas, and for the governor to be a seaman rather than a soldier of the Low Countries. It is also important for the governor and the archbishop to live in harmony. The spiritual government in these countries is the one thing of greater consequence than the political government, because of the scandal that the Indians receive from it. It is also important that those sent by the viceroy be men of merit and service, and that they be well treated in the islands. The observation of all the above points will be of use to us in keeping off the Dutch, who are the most terrible enemy that we have; and who will become absolute masters of the Manilas, if they can attain their ends. España, by observing those things, will triumph over its enemies. For my part, I will fulfil my duty as a subject by doing my utmost for the service of my master, and for the welfare of my country; and at the same time I shall discharge my obligation toward your Excellency of serving you.


1 A marginal note reads: “Translated from the Spanish relation printed at Mexico in the year 1638; dedicated to Don Garcia de Haro y Abellaneda, count of Castilla, president of the royal Council of the Indias.”

2 Marginal note: “The rules of this traffic, which will be found at the end of the relations of the Filipinas, elucidate this point.” This evidently refers to the Spanish originals.

The “list of relations and voyages” at the beginning of Thevenot’s work contains this title: “Three relations of the Philippine Islands, with a large map of China,” etc. To correspond with this, the text contains: the “Relation” of Bañuelos y Carrillo; the “Relation and memorial” by Hernando de los Rios Coronel; and a “Memorial in behalf of the commerce of the Philipine Islands,” by Juan Grau y Monfalcon—all with consecutive pagination; and apparently abridged or paraphrased to suit the editor.These are followed by (Bobadilla’s) “Relation of the Philipine Islands,” and an “Account of the great island of Mindanao” (which contains a letter by Mastrilli)—also with their own and consecutive pagination; these, however, are not mentioned in the list above referred to.We translate from Thevenot the documents by Bañuelos and Bobadilla; but for the others we have recourse to the Spanish originals.

3 Lope Diaz de Armendariz, marquis of Cadereita, the sixteenth viceroy of Mexico, was appointed (1635) to succeed the marquis of Cerralvo (who was removed at his own request, because of poor health). His term of office was quiet, and only marked especially by his quarrel with the archbishop, with whom the royal Audiencia seem to have sided. He was removed in 1640, his successor being Diego Lopez Pacheco Cabrera y Bobadilla, duke of Escalona and marquis de Villena. See Bancroft’s Hist.Mexico, iii, pp.93–98.

4 Marginal note: “Bartolome Tenorione.”

5 The following letter from the Sevilla archives (“Cartas y espedientes del gobernador de Filipinas vistos en el Consejo; años 1629 á [1640]; est.67, caj.6, leg.8”), contains an interesting reference to Bañuelos’s relation, and also suggests the well-known deficiencies in Thevenot’s “translations.”It is to be feared that he has omitted much valuable matter from Bañuelos’s account; but no other source is available:

“I return the paper which your Lordship sent me, concerning the military exploit in Mindanao, which was written and sent, as appears, by Father Marcelo Mastrili.Although its contents must be true, and it is well written, yet as your Lordship knows, the Council thought it advisable not to have it printed until they could compare it with the letters that the governor had written about the same exploit, and with others written by various persons, which make it out to have been of little value and importance.They even attempt to say that we have lost rather than gained in that campaign—particularly in a discourse or treatise printed in Mexico by Don Geronimo de Bañuelos y Carrillo, and addressed to your Lordship.In it he declares that those who were conquered were not Moros, but certain poor Indians; I do not know whether [he says this] from zeal for the truth, or because he has little affection for the governor.He wounds him quite to the quick in this and in other things.I was making an abstract of them in order to report to the Council, as I was ordered; but today, on going out, Don Juan Grao Monfalcon told me that he is at present printing another report, to oppose that of Bañuelos.I do not know who has given permission for it, nor that, in the care of the relation of Father Mastrili, there is anything that is not well understood.What the Council discussed was (as I have said), only whether it is exact and faithful to what happened; and of this I have not yet been able to form a sufficient judgment or idea.I am getting new documents hourly from the secretary’s office, and I shall detain them until the one that I am now enclosing is returned, if convenient.May God preserve your Lordship, as we your servants desire.Today, Tuesday, February eight, one thousand six hundred and thirty-nine.

Don Juan de Solorzano Pereira

“The count, my master, has ordered me to send again to your Lordship the enclosed relation of his success from the governor of Filipinas, in order that there may be progress in the deliberations of the Council on this question.May God preserve your Lordship, as I desire.Buen Retiro, February 16, 639.

Antonio Carnero

“I return these papers to your Grace, so that you may continue what you were doing.May God preserve your Grace.My house, February 16, 1639.”

6 Referring to Sebastian Vizcaino (VOL.XIV, p.183).The Englishman here referred to is doubtless Will Adams (VOL.XXII, p. 169, note 39), then high in favor with Iyéyasu. Regarding the expulsion of religious at that time, see VOL.XVIII, p.81.

7 A marginal note reads as follows: “Ricca douro is an island which was discovered by a vessel from Macao. They landed there in order to repair their galley fireplace, and a week later they perceived that that earth had been converted into plates of gold. I suffered a violent tempest in the latitude of that island, as the maps show it; and there are few vessels that sail in that latitude, without having trouble.”

See also notes in VOL.XIV of this series, p. 183; and VOL.XVI, p.204.

8 In the margin is the following note: “Tono in the Japanese language signifies a person who holds the rank that a duke of Cardone or a marquis of Carpio would have in España.” This means a daimio, or feudal lord (see VOL.XVIII, p.216).

Glorious Victories against the Moros of Mindanao

To the master-of-camp, Don Iñigo Hurtado de Corcuera, knight of the Order of Santiago:1

The despatch-boat which this year arrived from the Filippinas Islands at Acapulco, a port of this Nueva España, was destitute of the silks and other costly goods that the ships are accustomed to bring each year from China, for it carried nothing of that sort. Nevertheless, it came richly laden, with the news of the happy and fortunate successes of the arms of Spain in that archipelago, directed by the valor and prudence of Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, governor and captain-general there for his Majesty, and a worthy brother of your Grace. I received in all many different relations—although all of them agreed, for truth is always one—from different persons, well worthy of confidence, both ecclesiastic and secular. Every one—not only the citizens of this great City of Mexico, the capital of this kingdom, but those of all the other cities and towns—desired to see these letters, and made urgent requests for them. To satisfy the desires of so many, and give them pleasure, it was the opinion of many that they should be printed. The truth is, that I was perplexed and in doubt as to which one to use, because, as I have said, there were several. After careful consideration I decided to print one by Father Marcelo Francisco Mastrillo, a letter written to Father Juan de Salazar, provincial of the Society of Jesus in those islands, signed by Father Marcelo himself and sent to me. It gives a detailed account of every event. No one could give a better account than the father himself, for he was a witness of everything that happened, as he always accompanied Don Sebastian with the standard of St. Francis Xavier. In the simplicity and sincerity with which he recounts these things, the truth shines more resplendent; so it seemed best not to alter his style. In order that it may be better known who this servant of God is, we will describe the miracle wrought upon him by our father St. Francis Xavier in the city of Naples, and the occasion of his journey to the Filipinas and his stay in Mindanao. We shall give some information about the latter island, of the hostility which those Mahometans have displayed for so many years to the Spaniards, and of the friendly and subject Indians. We shall also give a description of the naval battle which preceded the expedition to Mindanao. Then we shall insert the letter of Father Marcelo, and conclude this document with a description of the triumphal demonstration with which Don Sebastian Hurtado was received in the city of Manila, the rejoicings in that city, the thanks rendered to our Lord, and the honors paid to those who died in the war, so that there will be a complete account of everything. Besides the aforesaid reasons, I was impelled to this on account of the obligations of our Society of Jesus to Don Sebastian Hurtado (and especially by my own); for we are always sensible of these, and our hearts will always keep them alive, with perpetual acknowledgments. Besides, it seems to me that one could not give your Grace a richer present, a more precious jewel, an ornament of greater worth, than the exploits and triumphs of such a brother, in whom one finds zeal for religion and the service of God, appearing in all he does. The prudence with which he governs his province, the unwearied solicitude with which he orders affairs, the disinterestedness with which he serves the king our lord—well worthy of the favor which his Majesty has shown him (in making him a member of his Council of War, and sending him two [appointments in] orders for his two nephews), and of those which I expect his Majesty will yet grant him; the valor with which he defends those islands, the grand courage with which he exposes himself to the greatest perils, although his person is of such importance: all these are especially praiseworthy, to say nothing of the admirable example by which he encourages his soldiers to great undertakings, and the compassion with which he watches over the Indians who were so harassed by so many enemies. In short, your Grace will see in Don Sebastian Hurtado a copy of your own holy zeal, prudence, care, disinterestedness, valor, magnanimity, and many other virtues conspicuous in your Grace’s own heart.In him your Grace will see a true brother—as Tulio2 said (book 3, epistle 7), Frater quasi fere alter, “a brother is naught else than a counterpart of the other brother;” so that they are hardly two, but rather one soul divided between two bodies, as Quintilian said (Declamation 321),3 Quid est aliud fraternitas quam divisus spiritus? [i.e., “What else is brotherhood but a divided soul?”] So that your Grace’s own valor, prudence, piety, and religion and Don Sebastian Hurtado’s are one; from that which God inspired in you, may be inferred that of Don Sebastian; and in the virtues of this great cavalier and captain-general shine those of your Grace, to whom I offer a thousand congratulations on the triumphs of so glorious a brother, whose exploits I offer to your Grace, and humbly place in your illustrious hands.May our Lord watch over your Grace as this your humble chaplain and servant desires.Mexico, February [25, 1638].

Diego de Bobadilla

[Folios 1–9 of Bobadilla’s work are occupied with a long and detailed account of a miraculous cure experienced by Father Mastrilli, and its result in sending him to labor in the foreign missions. Its substance is as follows: In 1633–34, Mastrilli was in Naples, and assisted, as a priest, at one of the altars erected for a solemn feast in honor of the Virgin Mary.After the ceremonies were over, Mastrilli was accidentally wounded in the head by a hammer dropped from a workman’s hand.His life was despaired of; but an image of St.Francis Xavier, miraculously endowed with speech, promised to restore his health if he would go to the Indias.Mastrilli vowed to do this, and to renounce country, friends, and all else that he held dear, for the sake of that employ; and the next morning found him cured and sound.In fulfilment of his vow he went to Spain, and set out for Japan; but (as related in previous documents) he was obliged to land at Manila, and accompanied Corcuera to Mindanao.]

An account of the great island of Mindanao, and the hostilities committed by those Mohammedans in the Filippinas Islands.

The great island of Mindanao is one of the largest in the archipelago of the Filippinas Islands, which seem to be almost innumerable; and it has even been said that there are over eleven thousand of them.4 I believe that if one counts islands large and small, inhabited and desert, the above estimate is not far from the truth. In size, Mindanao rivals the island of Manila, the chief and head of the others, for it is almost three hundred leguas in circumference. Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa, one of the first leaders in the conquest of those islands, and one of the most valorous soldiers who has been in them, made an agreement with his Majesty to conquer this island at his own cost and charges, and subject it to his royal crown—his Majesty awarding him as tributary vassals, ten thousand of the first Mindanaos whom he should subdue and choose for himself, and granting him other favors which he sought. His Majesty accepted the agreement; and, with the title of governor and captain-general, Don Esteban assembled at his own cost a goodly army of Spaniards, which (as I have heard) numbered about four hundred, and over four thousand Indians. They were all embarked in a fleet of caracoas, which are oared vessels much used in the Filippinas, carrying from fifty to one hundred rowers apiece. There are larger ones, which are called juangas, and carry from one hundred and twenty to one hundred and thirty rowers. They sailed from the island of Oton, where the fleet was fitted out and collected. They reached Mindanao and the army disembarked. When the enemy saw such a force, they began to flee, and a victory was declared for España; but our satisfaction was soon disturbed, for a wretched Mindanao audaciously resolved—it is said, after he had taken opium, with which these people intoxicate themselves—to assassinate our captain-general, even though he should die in the attempt. The deed was to be done with his campilan, a weapon something like a cutlass, with a lead weight at the hilt. The weight makes its blows so terrible that it will cleave a man through the middle. He hid in some bushes near the road on which our men were marching in triumph. When General Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa reached a place abreast of the bush where the Mindanao was hidden, the latter leaped out unexpectedly and struck the general so fierce a blow on his head with his campilan that it cleft his skull from ear to ear. I can account myself a witness of this, because, although I did not see that event, and did not go to the Filippinas until many years after, yet in 1632 I saw the skull, when they disinterred the bones of this famous but unfortunate captain from the old church of our college at Manila (which he founded, and where his body was brought for burial), to transfer them to the church which we have recently built. The skull shows very plainly the cruel blow of the campilan, so that even I said, as I held it in my hands, with great grief, “Our founder will not deny the blow of the campilan.” Those who accompanied our general killed the Mindanao on the spot, without much difficulty. They sounded the retreat, and abandoned their pursuit of the enemy. This was the origin and the beginning of the misfortunes and calamities which for so many years have caused us so much sorrow in the Filippinas. Our army, having lost its leader and captain-general, did nothing further. The Spaniards retreated, and fortified themselves in a place on that river, where they remained in garrison; and Father Juan del Campo, a fervent man and a great minister of the gospel, gave instruction to several villages, until he died there. Many of the Indians along this river had rendered obedience, and were paying tribute to his Majesty. Afterward the garrison moved to another place, called La Caldera, where the Spaniards remained several years. Although they made no conquest of that country, they served as a check to the enemy, because the latter could not sail out with their fleets on plundering expeditions.As Don Pedro de Acuña afterward decided, when he was governor in the Filippinas, this garrison was withdrawn from La Caldera, which resulted in the utter ruin of the islands, because land and sea remained in the possession of the enemy.

At that time the island was ruled by a Moro named Buysan who claimed the entire seacoast as his.Another Moro, named Silongan, ruled the well-populated district along the river.These two Moros conspired together, and called to their aid other friends, and even in certain ways their subjects—as those of the island of Sanguil and Sarragan; and the Caragas, who inhabit the further [i.e., from Manila] shores of this same island of Mindanao, which from that side faces our islands of Pintados. They gathered great fleets of caracoas and jungas, which at times numbered over one hundred and even one hundred and fifty vessels—arming them with several large guns, many culverins, a large number of arquebuses and muskets and many other arms; and manning them so heavily, that they could land six to eight thousand soldiers. In this way masters of the land and sea, they infested the high seas, capturing all our ships that navigated those waters, robbing and burning towns, sacking churches, carrying off the ornaments and consecrated vessels, committing a thousand desecrations on the sacred images, breaking them into pieces and insulting them, and capturing Christian Indians in so great number that it would break one’s heart to tell of it; for one time those whom they carried away numbered over two thousand and five hundred. The Spaniards had no better fortune; for some were killed, and others carried away as slaves. In the year 1616, they set sail with a powerful fleet, after effecting an alliance with the Dutch, who came with ten galleons, and entered the bay of Manila on All Saints’ day. They were, however, defeated and destroyed in the following April, 1617, by our fleet under the leadership of General Don Juan Ronquillo. While the Dutch aided the Mindanaos, the latter worked dreadful havoc, capturing, massacring, robbing, and burning everything there was. They came as far as Balayan, a large and rich town on the island of Manila, and not far from the city itself. They attacked the shipyards at Pantao, where a galleon and a patache were in process of construction, and indeed almost finished. These they burned, and murdered almost thirty Spaniards—among them Captain Arias Giron and Captain Don Juan Pimentel, who were in command of the yards. Others, besides many Indians, they made prisoners. They captured from us a large quantity of firearms and some artillery, and inflicted on us great damage. Even the fathers and ministers of the gospel have not been exempt; for, on the last occasion of which I have spoken, they captured and murdered two Franciscan fathers. Before that, on other occasions, they captured Father Hurtado, who was kept a long time in captivity in Mindanao, and Father Pasqual de Acuña, who was a prisoner at Caraga and still lives. Before and since the time of his captivity, he has labored gloriously for the space of almost forty years in the islands of Pintados—teaching those Indians until his great age and his failing strength obliged him to retire, and end his life in the fulness of his years, devoting himself to God alone.The other fathers and ministers crossed the mountains to escape the cruelty of these Mahometans, enduring great hunger, hardship, and distress.

To King Buysan succeeded Cachil Corralat, his son, who with great sagacity and cunning set about making himself much more powerful.Several times he made peace with the Spaniards, but his word was ever a Moro’s.It was soon known that he could not be trusted, for he made and broke treaties with equal readiness.He infested the seas with his fleets, sending out his own as he did in the year 1633, when he sent out a large fleet which plundered and burned several large and wealthy cities on this very island of Manila.But where he did most harm was in our island of Pintados; for in the town of Ogmuc alone he slew or made prisoners more than two hundred people—children and women, as well as men.They captured the minister there, Father Juan del Carpio of our Society, and cut him into pieces, of which his head was the smallest.Cachil Corralat gave orders to his followers not to carry to him a single father alive, but to slay them, in fulfilment of a vow which he had made to Mahomet during a serious sickness, not to leave a father alive if his health were restored.God, in His just judgment and to punish us, chose to grant his prayer.

Other Mahometans, their neighbors, joined the Mindanaos—tribes from the island of Jolo, who at one time paid tribute and then rebelled, killing all the Spaniards. Although that island is very small, and there cannot be more than three thousand men able to bear arms, yet they are very valiant, and they have very plainly proved it to us when they have sailed forth to scour the high seas—especially one chief, called Dato Achen, who can be compared with the most destructive African pirates. This man once attacked a shipyard which we had established in the province of Camarines, in which several galleons were being built. After the usual robbery and burning, he slew or made prisoners many Spaniards and Indians. He carried away artillery and firearms, with which he strengthened his defenses in his own country. He overran the Pintados Islands and did a great deal of damage there. At Cabalian he captured Father Juan Domingo Vilancio of our Society, a native of Luca—a holy man, and known as such by Indians and Spaniards, and even by the Moros themselves. As such, the latter revered him and did not ill-treat him in their own country, where they carried him. While efforts were being made for his ransom, it was our Lord’s pleasure to give him complete liberty by freeing him from the prison of this [earthly] body, and giving him in heaven his reward for his faithful labors. He toiled thirty years or more in the conversion of the pagans, to the remarkable edification of all; and he displayed heavenly sincerity, which secured him the love of God and men. The Moros buried him on their island of Jolo. Although we have asked for the body, they will not give it up, saying that they would rather keep it because it is holy (for sanctity and virtue are pleasing even to Moros and infidels). They allege other things in proof of his sanctity, which I shall not refer to, because they are not thoroughly investigated. The Lord will make them clear later, to His own glory. Returning, however, to the Joloans, they are grown insolent with their fortunate successes, no less on land than on the sea; for, although we have gone there three times with powerful fleets, they have come off with credit and singing victory.In short, we have returned without accomplishing anything.There was one time, however, when Don Christobal de Lugo, lieutenant for the captain-general in the Pintados Islands, went there with a fleet, and sacked and burned the principal town, and did considerable damage; but they have always escaped, and repaid to us their losses.They put their trust in a hill very difficult of access, which they have well fortified with artillery, to which they retreat whenever they are attacked.

The evils that are suffered at the hands of these two enemies, the Mindanaos and the Joloans, never were avenged, because, although the governors sent out fleets after them, they did not encounter the pirates on account of the great multitude of islands in the archipelago; or else, if our ships did meet them, the Moros escaped, for their vessels are remarkably swift and so have a great advantage over ours. Then, to remedy so grievous injuries, Don Juan Cereço Salamanca, who was then governor of the Filippinas, in the beginning of the year 1634, overcoming remarkable difficulties which arose, with a holy zeal for the service of God and of the king our lord, ordered a position to be occupied on the island of Mindanao, at a place which they call Samboangan. There he began to raise a fort which should be a check to the Mindanaos and the Joloans, who came past that place when they sailed forth on plundering expeditions. Although they could pass us by standing out to sea, or in the darkness of the night, without being seen from our fort, they would not so lightly dare to leave behind their houses and lands with the Spaniard so near a neighbor—for the latter could do them great injury by carrying off their children and wives, and all their possessions, if their towns were left unprotected when the men went away in their fleets; or at least the Spaniards could await them on their return and knock them in the head.The Moro king, Cachil Corralat, was much disturbed at the proximity of the Spaniards; since now he could not make raids in safety, as before; and he called upon the Joloans, the Borneans and the Camucones to sail from various points to plunder our island, which they did.

The Camucones are a nation inhabiting some islands subject to the king of Burney. Sometimes alone, and sometimes in company with the Borneans, they have infested our seas with their fleets, pillaging our islands, capturing many Indians, and killing all the Spaniards whom they took, because they did not wish to carry these alive to their own country; accordingly they granted no Spaniard his life. They are a base and very cruel people. These robbers began as petty thieves, with a few small vessels; but with the captures which they have been continually making, they have grown so powerful that they send out great fleets upon the sea, and do a great deal of damage. In the year 1625, while the archbishop Don Francisco Miguel Garcia Serrano was visiting the district of Bondoc, these Camucones attacked the town one morning, and the archbishop had no little trouble in escaping over the mountains; they stole whatever they could carry away, with the silver and the pontifical vestments. That same year, they captured Father Juan de las Missas of our Society, who had come from Tayabas to preach and was returning to the island of Marinduque, which was in his charge. They killed the father, and captured all who were aboard his ship, except perhaps some one who escaped by swimming. They did much more damage, continuing their depredations up to the year 1636, when, as I said, they sailed with a large fleet, at the solicitation of the king Cachil Corralat. They entered so far among the islands, that from them they sailed out upon the high sea—an act of great daring. They arrived at and plundered Palapag, a mission of our Society. They rounded Cape Espiritu Santo, and captured over a hundred Christians at Baco. There they divided into two bands. One passed over to Albay, on the island of Manila, where they were met by the alcalde-mayor, Captain Mena, of the Order of St. George, with several Spaniards and six Franciscan friars. The Spaniards pressed the Camucones so hard that seven of their caracoas went ashore on the island of Capul, where many of their Christian captives were set free. The natives of the said island slew some of the Camucones. Three of their caracoas they abandoned on the sea, going aboard others to make their escape more easily. Not one of our men was killed in this encounter, except that one Franciscan father was wounded by a musket-bullet, and afterwards died of his wound. The other band went out to sea again, coasting the island of Ybabao. They entered a town called Bangahun and made prisoners there more than one hundred other Christians. This troop fought a battle with a caracoa full of soldiers from the city of Zebu, who inflicted some injury upon the Moros, killing and capturing some. These Camucones, returning afterward to their own country, while they were coasting the island of Panay, were overtaken by a sudden storm, which drove three of their caracoas ashore.Those who escaped with their lives were captured by the natives, and many of them are now on galleys at the port of Cavite.Other caracoas stealthily ventured to the Calamianes Islands, where some Spaniards came out to meet them, and captured two of their ships, and set free twenty captives from the island of Mindoro who were among their prisoners.Fifteen other caracoas were coasting the island of Paragua in company; and, two days before arriving at Borney, they encountered thirty caracoas of Joloans, who had recently quarreled with the Borneans.The Joloans attacked the Camucones and Borneans, captured their fifteen caracoas, and made prisoners many Camucones and more than one hundred of the Christians carried off by the Camucones; these latter were ransomed at Samboangan, at a moderate rate.

After these pirates Cachil Corralat sent his fleet, which did considerable damage in our islands.In order to stop it and check all these enemies, the governor, Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, decided to go forth in person and make an expedition to Mindanao, to begin the punishment of this enemy, because they were most powerful—as we shall soon see, describing first the naval victory given us by our Lord over the fleet despatched hither by Cachil Corralat.

[The next part of this compilation is an account of the naval victory over Tagal’s fleet in December, 1636; it is practically the same as that which we have already presented in our VOL.XXVII, although rewritten and much abridged for publication. Then follows Mastrilli’s letter to his provincial (June 2, 1637) which also we have published; Bobadilla states that he reproduces it verbatim, save for the correction of “a few words which are not quite in accord with our ordinary language, as he was a native of the city of Naples.” The document ends with a description of Corcuera’s triumphal entry into Manila, evidently compiled (with some additional details) from Juan Lopez’s letter on that subject, already presented to our readers.]


1 Following is a translation of the title-page of the book from which this account is taken: “Relation of the glorious victories on land and sea won by the arms of our invincible king and monarch, Felipe IIII, the Great, in the Filipinas Islands against the Mahometan Moros of the island of Mindanao and their king Cachil Corralat, under the leadership of Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, knight of the Order of Alcantara and one of his Majesty’s Council of War, and governor and captain-general of those islands: drawn from various relations sent from Manila during this year (1638)1638.With license.Mexico; at the press of Pedro de Quiñones, opposite the Professed House.”

2 Tulio (misprinted Fulio), for Tullius (Cicero). Apparently there is some error in the reference given in the text, for this citation from Cicero is not found in the place indicated by it, in the standard editions of his Epistolæ

3 Attached to the editions of Quintilian’s works are 164 Declamations, which remain out of a collection consisting originally of 388 of these compositions.It is supposed, however, that these were written by various persons, at different periods of time.

4 “It is believed that the number of islands exceeds 1,400, although thus far no one has stated their number with exactness.” (Archipiélago filipino, p.6.)The latest information (Census of the Philippine Islands, Washington, 1905, i, p.185), gives the total number of islands, however, as not less than 3,141, although the exact number is still unknown.

Royal Orders and Decrees, 1638

Removal of negroes from Manila

The King. To Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, knight of the Order of Alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia resident therein. In a letter which you wrote me on the last of June, 1636, you declare that shortly after your arrival at those islands, that city petitioned you to have the free negroes and the freedmen, who number about four hundred or five hundred, removed from it, because of the disorders that they were creating within the city, as well as the thefts that they were committing in union with the slaves—the former receiving and taking to other places to sell what these said negroes had stolen. You declare that that city demanded that the negroes should go to live nine leguas away from there, but that that measure has not seemed advisable; and the fathers of the Society gave you an islet which they possess in the middle of the river, in order that they might settle the negroes there, with the obligation to give them instruction—but there would be no obligation to give the fathers any stipend for that purpose beyond what is given them from the communal fund of the Sangleys whom they have in Santa Cruz. Those Sangleys also render me aid by giving me six reals per annum, besides the general license, so that they may be allowed to live there with the fathers. They number from about eight hundred to one thousand Chinese. The fathers minister to those who have become Christians from this number, as well as to the negroes—the latter being separated from the former by an arm of the river. Also the Chinese pay all his salary to the alcalde-mayor from their communal fund, which has been a saving to my royal treasury. You declare that, in your desire to economize and avoid so heavy expenses, you have deemed it best to give the commander of artillery, who receives seven hundred pesos monthly salary for his duties, the office of alcalde-mayor of the Parián; for during the time while he should hold that office, there would be an annual saving of seven thousand two hundred pesos to my royal treasury. You also ordered the master-of-camp, Don Lorenzo de Olaso, to go to live at the port of Cavite with his company, and to serve there as castellan, chief justice, and governor of that port, with the same salary as at present, as you say that the sargento-mayor would be sufficient for you in that city. The above you reported to me, so that I might understand it; and you say that by the aforesaid measures and your method of governing, and provided that no one steals from my royal treasury, you will entirely clear my royal treasury of debt, and govern those islands from the proceeds of them. The matter having been examined in my Council, it has been judged best to tell you that it is thought that you will have given careful consideration to the removal of the free negroes and freedmen from that city and their settlement on the islet which was given you by the brethren of the Society of Jesus; and the rest that you mention in the said letter touching the said matter is neither approved nor rejected here, for the present.It is to be feared, however, that those negroes, having been removed from the city, and settled with the Chinese on an uninhabited island, may commit more serious damage.Consequently, you shall watch carefully so that you may remedy what needs correction; and you are to note that in the matter of government, the best is not [always] the easiest to execute, nor its results satisfactory.Hence, for that reason, no new thing can be entered upon suddenly; and you will, therefore, not carry out the execution of these new measures until you shall have first reported to me all the things that you shall see to be for my service, so that orders as to your course of action may be issued to you.In the meanwhile, you shall not carry out your proposed change of the persons of the commander of artillery and of the master-of-camp, Don Lorenzo de Olaso; and I charge and order you, that, jointly with the session [of the Audiencia], you shall inform me, both in this regard and in others, of what changes should be made from the past government, so that in everything decision may be made as to what measures may be taken.

I the King

By order of the king our sovereign:

Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon

Restricting the religious orders

The King. To Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, knight of the Order of Alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, and president of my Audiencia therein: your letter of June 30, 636, touching ecclesiastical matters, has been examined in my royal Council of the Yndias, and answer is [hereby] made you.

You say that the religious of the Order of St.Augustine need to be reformed, for they pay no heed to the bulls of his Holiness, or the decrees despatched in regard to the rotation; and that it would be advisable not to give them any more religious for eight years—both because they have many, and because of the causes that you mention for such measure.I have thought best to charge you to have the rule for rotation put in force strictly, without allowing more religious in each mission station [doctrina] than, in accordance with my royal patronage, shall be necessary for it; and that the others be occupied in missions [misiones] and in preaching, for which purpose they were sent.

In regard to what you write me concerning the advanced age of the archbishop of those islands (who is so aged that his hands and head tremble), namely, that it would be best to give him an assistant; and that you are arranging to give such assistant an income of two thousand pesos in addition to the four thousand pesos enjoyed by the said archbishop, without taking that sum from my royal treasury, or from my vassals: I charge you to explain to me the method or means by which you can get that money without damage to my royal treasury and the vassals who serve me, so that, if it be worth while to allow it, you may execute it.

So that the Order of St. Dominic, and the other orders resident in those islands, may live with the regulation and good example that is proper, and so that they may not increase the number of mission stations granted them by my decrees, you shall allow no new elections in them, which shall not be in harmony with my patronage.With the advice of the archbishop, you shall endeavor to unite some of the stations; and in those that shall be newly founded, you shall endeavor likewise to have secular priests introduced, if you find them intelligent and competent.Madrid.September 2, 1638.

I the King

By order of the king our sovereign:

Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon

Appointment of secular priests to missions

The King. To Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, knight of the Order of Alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia therein: in one of the sections of a letter which that city [of Manila] wrote to me on June 27 of 636, it is stated that there are two colleges in that city—one that of Santo Tomas, with religious of the Order of St. Dominic; and the other that of San Josef, with religious of the Society of Jesus—both of which have possessed, for several years past, authority to confer degrees in all the sciences. It is also declared that, with this opportunity, many students have excelled in those studies, and especially various sons of poor citizens, who have graduated in all the degrees; but that, since they have no beneficed curacies on which they can depend for support, their studies bring them no advantage. It is said that this is caused by certain religious orders, who have acquired from the archbishop, bishops, and governors the aggrandizement of their orders with many benefices which formerly were administered by secular priests; and that this might be remedied if I would decree that all the benefices which have been annexed to the religious orders during the last twenty years should be restored to the [secular] clergy, and that edicts should be issued in the form which I have ordained.This matter having been considered in my royal Council of the Indias, I have thought it best to issue the present, by which I command you that in the new missions that shall be established, you shall—except when they are in a territory assigned to the religious—it being understood that there are virtuous secular priests, take pains to appoint them to such missions; for such is my will.[Madrid, October 2, 1638.]

I the King

By command of the king our sovereign:

Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon

Compensation to nuns of St.Clare

The King. To Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, knight of the Order of Alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia therein: in a letter which the abbess and nuns of the convent of St. Clare in that city wrote me on the thirtieth of June, 636, they make the following statements: That the said convent was established so that they could live in it, with all decorum and humility, with certain alms from the citizens; and their house and church were built close to the wall of the said city that lies next the river—a place that seemed most separated from the business quarter, and so closely shut in that little save the sky could be seen. That in front, on the other side of the street, is the royal hospital for the Spaniards, which from the time of its foundation has been administered by the religious of St. Francis; and that in the hospital the religious who was vicar of the said convent [of St. Clare], and administered the holy sacraments to the nuns, had a cell, and they helped to support this religious out of the alms bestowed upon them. That you, without any occasion or just cause, drove out the religious from the said hospital by force and violence, with armed soldiers—saying that the hospital should be managed by a secular priest whom you took thither with you. That the said vicar was thereby compelled to find shelter in the convent of St. Francis, which is at a great distance from that of St. Clare; and consequently, with the inconveniences of the excessive heat and the violence of the rains in the wet season, he cannot go to hear confessions and administer the holy sacraments at St. Clare, especially at night. That their greatest annoyance is, that you are constructing in the hospital a ward for convalescents, on the side that faces the said convent; and that it is so high that it looks down upon the convent, notwithstanding the enclosure of the latter, and from the windows of that ward may be seen the beds of the nuns in their infirmary and dormitory—a matter which requires thorough reparation. They say that on the other side of their house is a space between the houses and the wall (which was formerly a street), which is a passage to the convent, and is useful to it; but that you have closed this way, and are building another house, which abuts upon their own ground-plot, for barracks and stables for the cavalry troops.They entreat me that I will be pleased to command that a check be placed upon this undertaking, and that, considering their poverty, I order you to pay them the amount of one hundred and twenty pesos in certified pay-warrants on the treasury there, which they hold, which sum will be a great benefit and charity to them.The complaint of these nuns has been considered in my royal Council of the Indias, and the damage which they say has been caused to them by closing up the street and by their being in sight of the ward that was built in the cells [at the hospital], and by the stables and barracks that have been placed so close to their house.I have therefore thought it best to ordain and command you, as I do, that you shall not in any way cause injury or inconvenience to the said nuns; and that the pay-warrants which they say they hold, you shall cause to be paid—provided they are duly certified—in their due value and at such time as the said nuns desire; for such is my will.[Madrid, October 2, 1638.]

I the King

By command of the king our sovereign:

Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon

Regulating the seminary of Santa Potenciana

The King. To the president and auditors of my royal Audiencia resident in the city of Manila of the Filipinas Islands: it has been reported in my royal Council of the Yndias that there is in that city a seminary named Santa Potenciana, of which I am patron; that it was established for orphan girls, and for the reception of married women when their husbands are occupied in my service in various parts; and that for some years the custom has been introduced of sheltering in the said seminary certain women who live scandalously.[I am also told] that, since this is of so great service to God our Lord, you, my president, have given orders to the mother rector of the said seminary not to receive in the seminary any woman sent by the archbishop of that church, or by his provisor; and that no one of its inmates may leave it.It has been judged best to order you (as I do hereby) to take what measures appear to you most advisable in this matter, considering all ends.Given in Madrid, November eight, one thousand six hundred and thirty-eight.

I the King

Countersigned by Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon, and signed by the members of the Council.

[Endorsed: “To the royal Audiencia of Manila, in regard to the order given by the president of the Audiencia to the mother rector of the seminary of Sancta Potenciana of that city, that she should not receive therein any woman sent by the archbishop or his provisor.” “Ordering that the president take what measures appear most fitting, considering all ends.” ]

Commerce of the islands with Mexico

The King. To my viceroy, president, and auditors of my royal Audiencia resident in the City of Mexico, of Nueva España: Don Juan Grau Monfalcon, procurator-general of the Filipinas Islands, has reported to me that the permission possessed by those islands of two hundred and fifty thousand pesos of merchandise, and five hundred thousand for the returns thereon, is very small, as that was conceded thirty-four years ago, when the citizens and inhabitants were fewer, the duties and expenses not so great, and the islands less infested by their foes.Because of this latter, their needs have increased so greatly that, if the said permission be not increased, it will be impossible to maintain them, or for their citizens to support themselves.He tells me that some illegal acts may have resulted from the present narrow limit of the permission, both in the lading of the merchandise, and in the returns of the silver.In order that those violations may be avoided, and those islands and their inhabitants maintained in a less straitened manner, he has petitioned me to have the goodness to concede an increase of the two hundred and fifty thousand pesos of the merchandise to four hundred thousand, and also of the five hundred thousand pesos of silver to eight hundred thousand.For, besides the above-mentioned advantages, my royal duties will thus increase, to supply the expenses of the said islands; illegalities and frauds will cease; and the inhabitants will increase in wealth.The matter having been examined in my royal Council of the Indias, inasmuch as I wish to know what permission the said islands enjoy, and that of the count and duke of San Lucar, and whether it will be advisable to enlarge the permission of the said islands; and considering their needs and expenses, and other advantages: I order you to inform me very minutely in regard to it all, so that, after examination, the advisable measures may be taken.Given in Madrid, December eight, one thousand six hundred and thirty-eight.

I the King

Countersigned by Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon, and signed by the members of the Council.

[Endorsed: “Don Juan Grau Monfalcon. To the viceroy, president, and auditors of the Audiencia of Mexico, ordering information as to the permission [of trade] for the Filipinas Islands, and that conceded to the count and duke; and as to the advisability of increasing the amount permitted to the islands.”]

Jurisdiction over seamen

The King. To Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, knight of the Order of Alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the Philipinas Islands, or to the person or persons in whose charge that government shall be: in a letter which I wrote to you on the second of last September, on various matters, there is a section of the following tenor: “I have considered the arguments that you bring forward for its being so expedient that the commander and the admiral of the ships shall have authority and jurisdiction in the port of Acapulco, when he is not on shore, to punish his sailors and soldiers; and that the warder of the fort there shall not interfere with them by undertaking to punish them on shore (regarding them as his subordinates, as hitherto they have been) as they are persons of ability and good qualifications—since from the time when the ships cast anchor, during all the time while they remain in port, the men do not respect or obey, as it is right they should, the said commander or admiral. Desiring to avoid this difficulty, so that those officers may punish the culprits in such cases, I have decided that what you propose may be done, with the conditions that you mention; and, by a decree of the same date as this letter, I am sending to the viceroy of Nueva España advices to that effect. [I have told him] that as this seems to be a general complaint, to judge from the instances [reported] here, he must give the necessary orders for the execution of this decree, unless some difficulty shall arise that may oblige him to defer it; for when those men commit any disorderly acts on shore complaint can be made against them, and the matter referred to the said commander and admiral.”And now a report has been made to me, on the part of Don Juan Grao Monfalcon, procurator-general of that city of Manila, that it is very advisable that the said commander and admiral of the ships possess all necessary jurisdiction for punishing the men aboard them—as is done at Cartagena, Portovelo, and other places; and he entreats that I be pleased to command that this be accordingly done.The matter having been considered in my royal Council of the Indias, I have thought it best to issue the present, for such is my will, that the usage which I have mentioned be put in practice in the islands, as well as in Nueva España, since that is advisable for my service.[Madrid, December 8, 1638.]

I the King

By command of the king our sovereign:

Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon

On the lading of the galleons

The King. Don Juan Grau y Monfalcon, procurator-general of the Philipinas Islands, has reported to me that certain citizens of those islands, to whom were allotted toneladas in the amount [of lading] permitted, have, for lack of means to ship the goods, sold that space—which has thus been secured by the merchants of Nueva España and Peru, who for that purpose have their agents in Manila. He states that this practice is overlooked [by the officials], although, after the first distribution of the permitted lading space has been made, and the toneladas allotted, the citizens who through poverty or other causes are unable or unwilling to lade the goods which belong and are allotted to them cannot give, sell, or transfer that space to any other person, unless they again declare the toneladas before the bureau of allotment. The bureau again shares the space which was thus declared among such citizens as ask for it, or who can occupy it to better advantage; and these must pay for it, giving for each tonelada the amount appraised, according to the season and the circumstances, by the bureau itself. The proceeds from the said toneladas shall be given and paid to the owners who had declared them. Thus poor persons will obtain relief, and the citizens [of the islands] will have the benefit of the entire amount of trade permitted to them, while those of Nueva España will be excluded from it. [The said procurator] entreats me to issue a decree in accordance with these facts, including therein adequate penalties to secure its execution. The matter having been examined in my royal Council of the Indias, and the above statements carefully considered, I have approved [the said procurator’s request]. I command my governor and captain-general of the said Philipinas Islands who now holds or shall in future hold that office, and the auditors of my royal Audiencia therein, and other persons who shall have in charge the allotment of the said toneladas, and the bureau for the said allotment, that they observe and fulfil, and cause to be observed and fulfilled, exactly and inviolably, what is ordained in this my decree, without in any way contravening or exceeding its tenor or form. And those who disobey this decree are warned that such act will be charged to them in the visitations and their residencias, and they will be punished according to law; for such is my will. [Madrid, December 8, 1638.]

Fortunate Successes in Filipinas and Terrenate, 1636–37

Fortunate successes which our Lord has given by sea and land to the Spanish arms in the Filipinas Islands against the Mindanaos, and in the islands of Terrenate against the Dutch, in the latter part of the year 1636 and the beginning of 1637.

Filipinas

These Filipinas Islands, subject to the Catholic king our sovereign for the past thirty years, have been so harassed and terrorized by invasions, robberies, and fires caused by the Moros (Mindanaos, Joloans, Burneyans, and Camucones), that one could not sail outside the bay of Manila without manifest danger. Not a single village was now safe, nor could an evangelical or royal minister perform his duty undisturbed. These pirates—some at one time, others at another, and sometimes all together—set out every year from their own lands, and at first attacked the islands which are called the Pintados, for these were the nearest; and afterward, becoming more impudent, they came to coast along the island of Manila itself, and once they even came to the suburbs of this city (although without making their presence known). The Christians captured by them on these raids were numberless; some were Spanish but the majority were natives, who, sold afterward either among the enemies themselves, or among more distant unbelievers, either abandoned the faith, or suffered living death in a wretched slavery.The villages which they had ravaged were pitiful to see, being either burned to the ground or abandoned and deserted; for those inhabitants who were able to escape from the hands of the enemy hid themselves in the thickets of the mountains, among wild beasts and venomous serpents, without other food than a few roots and wild fruits.And what is impossible to relate without shedding tears, the gospel ministers were compelled to flee in this same way, to endure the same calamities, and suffer the inclemencies of sky and ground, in order not to fall into the hands of Mahometan cruelty.Even thus they were not always able to flee, for some, cut to pieces, fell into their hands; others were captured and ransomed at great cost, or died of ill-treatment in their captivity.Those barbarians did not spare the churches, but rather plundered them with an infernal fury; burned them, and trampled under foot the ornaments; broke the images and profaned the vessels; and impiously clothed themselves with the sacred vestments.The most unbearable thing of all was to see all those evils unchecked, our friends disheartened, the enemy unresisted, and the villages defenseless.For, although the governors sent fleets in pursuit of the enemy, nothing was effected—partly because the latter hid themselves from our men among the numerous islands, and partly because of the great speed of their boats, in which respect they had great advantage over us.

Finally, in the year 1633, the king of Mindanao, named Cachil Corralat, sent out a very large fleet which did signal damage in the islands. To put an end to this, Don Juan Cerezo de Salamanca, who was governor of the islands at that time, surmounting many difficulties, commanded a certain position to be taken and a fort to be begun in Samboangan, on the island of Mindanao, and occupied by a Spanish garrison; for that point was well suited to the purpose of restraining from there the Mindanaos and Joloans, as they were forced to sight it when they went forth to pillage. Soon the enemy Corralat felt the damage done him by the new post of the Spaniards, and since he could no longer sally forth at his safety, he called upon the Burneyans, Joloans, and Camucones to set out in various directions to pillage—which they did. He himself sent out after them, in the beginning of April, 1636, a large fleet in command of a Moro chief named Tagal. This fleet, as our garrison was but recently established, was able to proceed to our islands, and attacking many places, to make many captures—among them three Recollect religious of the Order of St. Augustine, and a Spanish corregidor of the island of Cuyo; to pillage much property, and to plunder the churches. They carried away the ornaments and vessels, and destroyed the images, and especially the cloth of a sacred crucifix, from which Corralat made himself a cape. Thereupon he became arrogant, and boasted that he was carrying away the God of the Christians a prisoner, because he had taken from among the sacred vessels a monstrance and a lunette with the most holy sacrament; and he returned to his own land, where they were already mourning him as lost, because he had been absent from it for eight months.

This last invasion, more than all the previous ones, afflicted Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, who at that time had been proprietary governor of the islands for a year. Inflamed with a zeal for the honor of God and his king, he determined, after surmounting the numerous difficulties and oppositions, to avenge in person the insolent acts of those barbarians. But first of all he sent out, as governor of the presidio at Sanboangan, Sargento-mayor Bartolome Diaz Barrera, and, under his orders, Sargento-mayor Nicolas Gonçalez, so that they might be making preparations and sweeping the seas of those corsairs—a very important matter, as will be seen subsequently. He then fitted out a good fleet of champans (sailing vessels of moderate size, which are used by the Chinese); and, embarking in one of them, made sail on the day of the Purification of our Lady, the second of February, of this year 1637. At Oton (which is about half-way) he received definite information that Tagal was returning to his own country with eight very well laden ships. The commander of the garrison at Sanboangan was informed of that; and, preparing in two hours a squadron of five caracoas (which are swift craft with oar and sail, which are used by these Indians) and placing in command thereof Nicolas Gonçalez, the sargento-mayor of that presidio, he set out to round a very steep cliff, in which a small mountain terminated, projecting out into the sea, and distant about thirty leguas eastward from our fort. It was necessary for the enemy to stop there, in order to discharge numerous lances and arrows at the cliff (for it was their custom to sail by that point when either outward or homeward bound)—a superstitious custom of those barbarians.On account of this the place was known as “the point of arrows” [punta de flechas]. The result was that which our men desired for on the morning of the day of St. Thomas, the twenty-first of December (at the time when prayer was being offered up within the fort), the enemy was sighted; and both then and on the following night our men made such an attack upon the enemy that, in spite of a desperate defense, they surrendered. Of the eight ships only one worthy of mention escaped, and that one in such a condition that in order to escape, they cast overboard all its merchandise and slaves. The other ships, heavily laden with merchandise, fell into the hands of our soldiers and were plundered. There were not many firearms, but they contained the vases and sacred ornaments, which were declared, in order to be returned to their rightful owners. There died Tagal, the commander of the enemy, with more than three hundred other Moros—so obstinate and furious that they preferred death rather than surrender, although they were offered their lives. Better was the course of one of Tagal’s brothers, who, when badly wounded, surrendered, protesting that he had always regarded the faith of the Christians as the true one, and begging for baptism, after receiving which he died. His example was followed by fourteen other Moros, who surrendered and besought baptism. Thus also there were recovered a hundred and twenty Christian captives and among them a Recollect father, one of those whom the Moros were taking away with them; but he was so badly wounded that he soon died, although greatly consoled to have seen with his own eyes the bravery with which our captains had punished the insolence of the barbarians, obtaining so signal a victory as that, to the honor of Jesus Christ and of the Spaniards, without its having cost even a single man to our side.In that we began to enjoy the benefits of the fort of Sanboangan; for if it had not been there, we could not have encountered the enemy—who were none the less frightened by a miracle which occurred on the very night on which the victory was won.For having commenced by a terrific trembling of the earth and sea, with a great noise of groans and screams, which were heard by some, and which terrified all, that cliff—which we have mentioned as an infamous place, both on account of the superstitious rite of shooting arrows at it and many other things, and because there was a tradition among the natives that the devil had been actually seen there—became loosened from the land and fell with a great crash into the sea, our Lord giving to understand thereby that the impiety so strongly intrenched in that island was to fall and give place to our holy religion, as events are constantly demonstrating.The shore has already been consecrated to God with the name of Point San Sebastian, so that the superstitions by which that place was contaminated may be transformed by His holy arrows.

The governor was highly elated with these tidings, and still more when he received the ornaments, sacred vessels, and images which had been recovered; and was moved to deep pity by the maltreated holy crucifix, which had been made into a cape.1 He ordained the latter as thenceforth a standard for that expedition, as he did also with the miraculous painting of St. Francis Xavier which was carried by Father Marcelo Mastrillo, well known in the greater part of the world for the so great mark of favor shown him by the Lord through the agency of that great apostle of India. This father, while passing from Malaca to Macan, a port of China, in fulfilment of the vow which he made at Napoles, met with the Dutch corsairs, from whom the Lord delivered him by a sudden wind which, while it turned him from the course which he was pursuing, miraculously carried him, without a pilot who knew those regions, into the bay of Manila. They anchored at the port of Cavite, on the day of St. Ignatius of last year, for the signal consolation and edification of all these islands, and for the good success of this expedition (in which consisted the complete relief and remedy of all)—especially to the benefit of the sick, of whom he took charge during the entire course of the expedition. Our fleet reached the port of Sanboangan on February 22, of this year; and all the men in it having been confessed and having received communion, and having been so encouraged (as they made evident to the father) by seeing from the pulpit, the outraged image of the Crucified One, they cried out that they would attack the whole world; and that the mothers were fortunate who had employed their sons in so glorious an undertaking. Then the soldiers returned to their vessels; they were divided into three companies of Spaniards, and one of Panpango Indians. Without awaiting the Spaniards and the volunteer Bisayan Indians they began to lay their course toward Lamitan, on the fourth of March, in order not to allow the enemies time to prepare themselves. At that place Corralat had his principal village. The governor preceded the entire fleet, with only four boats—both because the weather was contrary, and because he had heard that there were some Moro merchantmen on the sea from Java Major, very full of Christian slaves. Without the loss of an instant’s time, by sailing night and day, he came within sight of Lamitan, on March thirteen. There the same man, in company with only six musketeers as a guard, personally reconnoitered the coast and river, with great valor and risk. Having fully ascertained that the beach and the low grounds were safe, he disembarked with the men of his four boats, as well as those of two others, that had already come up at that time—in all, about seventy soldiers. He placed these in battle-array, and marched with them to attack the village, without knowing that it was so well fortified as was the case, as he understood that all their force was about one and one-half leguas inland on a high hill. It was an especial providence of our Lord, and a brilliant stratagem, to leave an open road along the beach (on which, as was afterward seen, the enemy had planted all their artillery), and to deceive the enemy by taking another road on the opposite side. This was very difficult and dangerous, both because of the ambuscades which the enemy had prepared in the thickets (which were quickly cleared by our men, by means of two field-pieces which were in the vanguard), and by the swamps and river—which the soldiers forded twice, with the water up to their breasts, with incredible valor. They were encouraged by the example of their captain-general, who was the first in all these hardships, as he was also later, when attacking two large stockades, one after the other. Those stockades, notwithstanding the fierce resistance made by the Moros in their defense, he entered with his men, ever proving himself not less prudent in commanding than spirited in attacking—personally encountering several Moros, who set upon him with extraordinary spirit. Thereupon, they caught sight of the fort with which Corralat had defended his village. It was exceedingly well fortified with a new ditch, with eight pieces of artillery, twenty-seven versos, many muskets with rests, and other lighter arms, and with more than two thousand warrior Moros. But that was of little use, for so gallant was the assault of the Spanish, notwithstanding their small number, that they instantly gained possession of the fort, killing a goodly number of Moros—among whom was their castellan, who obstinately fought to the death—while the others fled very badly wounded. From that place a portion of our men went on ahead to a stockade which, with one piece [of artillery], defended the house of Corralat, and it soon fell into our power; for after the commander who had charge of it (and who until then had kept them in good spirits by his vain and superstitious promises) had been killed, those who accompanied him lost heart and fled, while many of them were left there dead. The other body [of the Spaniards] attacked the river at the same time, and, putting the Moros to flight, captured more than three hundred craft, great and small. Of these they sacked some large Javanese merchantmen which were heavily laden with goods, and set free their Christian slaves. Some boats which were suitable for our men were kept, and the others were burned, without a single one being left.Had the fleet that left Sanboangan been all together on that day, they would have finished matters with the Moro king Corralat, who, with as many men as possible, withdrew to the hill which he had fortified, disguised and borne on the shoulders of slaves.

The governor after having given the village over to sack, having gathered all the arms of the enemy—which, as aforesaid, consisted of eight bronze pieces with ladles, one swivel-gun of cast iron, twenty-seven versos, and more than one hundred muskets and arquebuses; besides a very great number of cannon-chambers, and iron, balls, and powder; campilans (what the Indians call by this name resemble certain cutlasses), lances, javelins, and many other kinds of poisoned missile weapons; and also after having repaired the fort which the enemy had (now called San Francisco Xavier) with new and suitable fortifications, which he planned, and himself commenced with his own hands to execute; and having lodged his men without the loss of even one (for only two servants deserted): he retired to a large mosque, where he established a bodyguard. He first had the mosque blessed, and a chair and some Arabic books of the cursed Koran burned. Quite necessary was the garrison and watch set by the vigilant governor during the days of his stay there, while awaiting the rest of his fleet, in order to drive away some false and pernicious embassies, and to defend themselves from the continual surprises which the defeated Moros sprang upon them, especially at night. Our men did not receive much hurt from them; on the contrary, various bodies of troops, leaving their posts, overran the country, burning the villages, and committing other damage on the enemy.Many Christian captives fled from the enemy on this account, and were immediately sent to Sanboangan.

On the sixteenth of the same month, Sargento-mayor Nicolas Gonçalez came to join the governor with the rest of the fleet, which sailed from Sanboangan. The governor immediately began to prepare his men with all temporal and spiritual equipment with which to invest the hill on the next day. There was well seen the military prudence and skill, and the zeal for the divine honor, of the captain-general, in the so well arranged and efficacious address which he made to his soldiers, and in the so definite orders that he issued. He divided his men; and, committing about one hundred and twenty Spaniards, thirty Pampango Indians, and some other Bisayans as carriers, to Sargento-mayor Nicolas Gonzalez, ordered him to surprise the enemy by the rear of the hill, first sounding his trumpets, so that he himself might attack the front at the same instant by this means dividing the enemy’s forces, and weakening their defense. In accordance with these orders, the sargento-mayor began his march. The governor, with the rest of the army (after leaving a sufficient defense of soldiers in the fort and boats), marched toward the hill at six o’clock the following morning. At its brow was a very fine deserted village, where the governor fortified a good house, and had a piece of artillery planted and a garrison of Pampangos established, to be used as a place of refuge for his men. Commencing to ascend the hill by the road which the Moro who was guiding them showed him, he stopped near where there was another road; and, having asked the guide whether that road also led to the hill, and which of the two was the better, the Moro replied in the affirmative, and said that both were poor. “Then if both are poor,” said the governor in reply, “let us go by the other, and not by the one along which the Moro is guiding us.” That was the inspiration of Heaven, and very good military counsel, and so did the outcome declare it; for that first road was taking them point blank into a cavalier, garrisoned with three pieces, one of which was of bronze. It was found afterward that, besides a double charge of powder, the piece was loaded with two plain artillery balls, two crowbars, and more than three hundred musket balls—with which, no doubt, at least all the vanguard would have been swept away. Now freed from that danger, and marching with great difficulty up the hill, the governor sent some of the vanguard with orders to reconnoiter only the road, and to halt at some fitting place in order to await the signal of those who were to attack the enemy in the rear. In truth the road was so difficult that it could be ascended in some places only with great difficulty, by clambering up and laying hold of the shrubs with their hands. It was narrow and very steep, and had precipices in all parts, so that they could not mount upward except one at a time. And, above all, it was so well commanded at the top by three forts—which were inaccessible, both by the great height of their location, and by the defenses of ditches, very stout stockades, and a very large supply of weapons—that very few of the enemy, without receiving any hurt, could with the use of only stones kill a million men who might attack them in that part. Notwithstanding this, those who were sent to reconnoiter the road were so blinded by their overweening valor and spirit (truly Spanish) that, thinking that they could easily gain all, they went ahead to attack one of the three forts, without heeding the order that the general had given them; thereby they encountered, for themselves and the rest of the vanguard, great damage from the three forts, without doing anything to the enemy. More than twenty [of the Spaniards] were killed and more than eighty badly wounded. Much greater would have been the destruction of our men—for, not considering those who were falling, they continued to involve themselves and the others further, with false rumors of victory—had it not been that the governor, placing himself in the greatest danger, where the balls were raining down, and where they wounded his squire (and others who were very near him fell dead), and recognizing that victory was impossible in that part, and prudently hiding the disorder which had happened, in order not to discourage his soldiers, caused them all, both whole and wounded, to retire. This he did with so great ease and gallantry on one side, while on the other he confronted the enemy with so great valor, with sword in hand; had he not done that not a single man would have remained alive, since the enemy were numerous, the road full of precipices, and our men badly impeded with the wounded and more than two hours of fighting. That night the governor passed, with those who remained unhurt, in the retreat at the brow of the hill—at the greatest risk of perishing, if the enemy had made a sally, however vigilant our men had been. But God delivered them from that danger; for the enemy did not make a sally, because they made a great feast that night over the good result of having, as they imagined, killed the governor. Already by this time the sick were in the camp, in which miraculous cures of very deadly wounds occurred. One had been shot through the head from temple to temple; another was shot through the mouth by a ball that passed up through the stomach; another had several poisoned dart-points (here called sompites) left sticking in his throat; and both those and all the others, excepting two or three who did not allow themselves to be treated, are today alive and well.They, and all, attribute their miraculous health to the special favor with which God chose to repay the holy zeal with which all risked their lives for His Divine Majesty.

On the following day, the eighteenth of the same month, while the governor was hearing mass, the rattle and roar of artillery and musketry was heard on the hill, which increased his anxiety. Suspecting that Nicolas Gonzalez was fighting, he sent him, as a reënforcement, a company of soldiers under command of Captain Don Rodrigo de Guillestigui. And it was so that, the said sargento-mayor, Nicolas Gonzalez, not having been able to arrive the day before at the assigned place because of the great difficulty of the road, it was our Lord’s pleasure that, after conquering many difficulties and great obstacles, he gained possession of an eminence which dominated the enemy’s forts in the rear. Thence he started to invest them, with such intrepidity that, although the king, leading his men in person, began to resist him furiously, he could not however withstand our charges. Consequently, they were compelled to abandon their three forts, one after the other, leaving an infinite number of dead Moros, who perished partly by the balls, and partly through falling over precipices in escaping, as the way was narrow. Among those who escaped by flight was Corralat; he fled, badly wounded, to some small villages that he owned, which were four leguas distant from the hill. The queen his wife, and many others of his servants threw themselves over the precipices of their own accord, in order to avoid falling into our hands. Many of the enemy were captured and the Christian captives there freed. Among the latter was found alive one of the Recollect fathers, who, as he had been badly mangled, was judged to have lived as by a miracle until the day following, when he died as a saint in the camp, after receiving all the sacraments with great consolation. The third [Recollect religious] was killed through the fury of the Moros, and it is not known where they threw his body. The three forts, then, with all their arms (namely, four pieces of artillery, and other numberless weapons of other kinds), having fallen into our hands, as well as a great quantity of food, and a quantity of wealth, and a suitable guard having been placed, the governor was advised of everything. He was waiting anxiously in camp; rejoicing over the good news, and more that no one of our soldiers had been killed, he ascended the hill. In two days’ time having taken down to the camp with very few men the pieces which it had taken the enemy six months to take up with more than two thousand Indians; collecting many sacred vases and ecclesiastical ornaments which were found; giving the house of the king over to sack, and others, very large and full of riches, by which many Spaniards were greatly advantaged; and having burned the buildings, and leveled the forts: as he was no longer able to endure the stench which arose from the [dead bodies of] the enemy who had been slain and those who had fallen over the precipices, the forces returned to camp—leaving the Moro king entirely ruined, as a chastisement for the many outrages which he had impiously committed on the true God, on His priests, and other Christians.From there, after having given thanks to our Lord with a mass, and a solemn procession with the most holy sacrament on the day of the Incarnation, they set sail for Sanboangan.

When they left, the governor sent Sargento-mayor Pedro Palomino with one hundred Spaniards to Cachil Moncay (the legitimate king, although he had been oppressed by the tyranny of his uncle Corralat), in order to tell him that, if he wished to be protected by the Spanish arms of his Majesty, he must render homage and pay tribute to the Catholic king our sovereign, wage war by fire and sword on Corralat and his allies, free the Christian captives, and admit gospel ministers. The king offered in person to do all that, and afterward through his ambassador and brother-in-law, at Samboangan, to the governor. The latter having issued the fitting orders in that presidio, and having received the homage offered to our sovereign by many—especially by the inhabitants of the island of Basilan, to whom he immediately assigned gospel ministers, as they asked for them—he entrusted one hundred Spaniards and more than one thousand volunteer Indians (who had now arrived, although after the battle), with orders to coast along the island, doing all the harm possible to the enemy, and helping the Spaniards’ friends. The said captain performed all the aforesaid excellently, coasting along the island from Sanboangan to Caraga.And although the Moros had retreated inland, being terrified by the news of the victory, still the captain did them considerable damage.He burned as many as sixteen villages, and many other collections of houses, laid waste the fields and gardens, destroyed more than one hundred ships (counting large and small), and seized others for the use of the fleet, whose need he abundantly supplied with many provisions which he collected.He also beheaded seventy-two spirited Moros, who defended themselves against him, whose heads he placed on pikes, in various places along the beach, in order to terrorize the others.He made prisoners some others, whom he took alive, with which the whole land became fearful.While that was being done, as has been said, the governor set sail toward Manila.He entered that city in triumph on the twenty-fourth of May, with his four companies in battle-array, with the prisoners in their midst, and with fourteen wagons heavily laden with many important arms of the enemy, together with the banners which had been captured dragging in the dust.There was general applause and rejoicing by the Spaniards and natives.That was an affair well calculated to inspire fear in the numberless infidels by whom we are surrounded.

Finally, his Lordship, having shown certain very splendid honors to those who had so gloriously perished in the war, and having ordered a great number of masses to be said for their souls, ended the celebration most happily on the seventh of June (the Sunday of the Trinity), by a very solemn procession of the most holy sacrament as an expression of thanks.In front marched the ransomed Christians, very handsomely clad, carrying candles and rosaries.Four long paces behind them were many sacred vases and ecclesiastical ornaments, which were recovered from the possession of the barbarian.By that sight the hearts of Catholics were moved to great compassion; and the people gave many thanks to our Lord for the sight of that which they had desired for so many years.They entreated Him that the work might progress until, the enemies who remained in those regions having received the faith of Jesus Christ, they and the other long-time Christians might enjoy the desired peace and quiet.

Terrenate

The governor’s great care and vigilance in preparing and arranging the fleet of Mindanao did not cause him to forget the other enemy—infested posts that his Majesty possesses in this archipelago. At the same time, he despatched another very good fleet, consisting of two large ships, one patache, and one galley, under command of General Geronimo Henriquez, as a guard to a number of champans which were taking the succor to the forts of Terrenate. Two excellent ships of the Dutch enemy were awaiting them at the entrance. When they saw the courage of our men the enemy retired in flight to the shelter of their fort of Malayo, without daring to await them. The Spaniards were so keen for fighting that, hastily leaving in safety the aid which they were taking, they started in pursuit of the hostile galleons, and did not stop until they met these under the enemy’s fort, where they had gone. There they fired so many volleys, both at the ships and at the fort and village, that (as was learned afterward from some who took refuge with our ships) very considerable damage was done, without the Dutch daring to sail out, or being able to do us any damage of importance. That was a very great cause for scoffing against the enemy, and they lost as much reputation among those Moros, as was gained by the Spaniards, especially with the king of Tidore, our friend, who very joyfully thanked the commander Henriquez and the admiral, Don Pedro de Almonte, with presents for that action of so great valor and gallantry.

One month after that fleet had returned to Manila, Don Pedro de Mendiola, governor of Terrenate, heard that two Dutch ships were becalmed not a great distance from there.He instantly despatched two galleys, which together spiritedly attacked the better of the two ships.After it had been entirely defeated, and our men were about to board it, a strong wind which suddenly arose snatched it from their hands, although it was badly crippled by the discharges from our galleys.The latter received no considerable damage.Thereupon that enemy were greatly terrified; the Moro natives received a very exalted idea of the Spaniards, while the latter were very joyful at beholding the arms of the king our sovereign, even in these most remote bounds of the earth, shine with the luster and splendor that they merit.

With license. In Madrid. Printed by Diego Diaz de la Carrera, in the year 1639.


1 This is the literal translation; but it will be remembered, from previous accounts, that the figure of Christ here referred to was painted on a sheet of linen or cloth; it was this sheet which was used by the Moro as a garment.

Value of Corcuera’s Seizures in Jolo

[Under date of Manila, August 2, 1638, the city cabildo of Manila write the king a detailed account of Corcuera’s campaign in Joló, which was begun in December, 1637. Inasmuch as this letter covers ground sufficiently treated in documents already presented in this series, it is not here given. The original is conserved in the Archivo general de Indias with pressmark, “est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 32;” and it is presented by Pastells in his edition of Colin (iii, pp. 528–532). Pastells (iii, pp. 532, 533) follows this letter by a document showing the value of the artillery and other things seized from the Joloans, and the money value of the captives who were sold as slaves. This document is conserved in the same archives and has the same pressmark as the above. It is as follows:]

The relation of the expense incurred on his Majesty’s account during the expedition made to the kingdom of Joló by Don Sebastián Hurtado de Corcuera, in December, 1637; also the value of what was seized and gained from the enemy; and the net gain.Subtracting the one from the other, the result is as follows:

pesostominsgranos
Gained from the enemy,28,34570
Expenses of the expedition,26,31454
Net remainder of gain,2,03116

The value of what was gained from the enemy can be analyzed in the following form:

[A list, partially duplicate, of the artillery taken from the Joloans follows, of which we present only the final summary, in order to avoid such duplication.It appears that the artillery when taken to Manila was appraised by one Melchor Pérez, royal chief of artillery and artillery-founder.]

Bronze artillery, useful

PiecesMakeWeight in quintals and librasWeight of ball in librasValue of one quintal in pesosTotal value in pesos
1English11330330
1falcon of King Don Sebastián of Portugal11428308
2of King Don Sebastián of Portugal151026390
1Manila, of the time of Tavora26,801026670
21cámaras1 124
Bronze artillery, useless, appraised merely at the value of the copper
1English11312132
1Siamese4112½54
10versos14 12168
Cast-iron artillery
1English735312½91
1Macao12½412156
1English114 12½137
1Dutch1088 12½136
1English1225512½153
1Dutch1225512½153
1English1045512½130
1English1463712½182
1Dutch18 912½225
1English2133912½266
1Dutch24971112, and 1 tomin312
1iron base [roquero] 4

Firearms

pesos
3Vizcayan arquebuses12
10½Macao muskets31
11Vizcayan field muskets66
1Dutch arquebus4
19Macao arquebuses57
16Dutch muskets64
1musket de pinote of Macao4
2Vizcayan arquebuses10
7arquebuses from Macao21
7Japanese small guns [escopetillas]21
2Vizcayan field muskets12
5Dutch arquebuses15
10Dutch muskets50
1bit of a Vizcayan gun [escopeta]1

Besides the above, in cloth or money, 2,866 [pesos]; in small darts and blowpipes, 50 [pesos].

Lastly, from 192 captive Indians—men, women, and children—sold as his Majesty’s slaves at royal auction, 20,815 pesos. Of this amount 10,375 pesos were in cash, in coin; and the 10,440 remaining were charged to the pay due the infantry and seamen.


1 Camaras were tubes or cylinders which received the charge and were introduced into the breech of the cannon, sometimes fitted by pressure, at other times by screwing (see Diego Ufano’s Treatise on military; Brussels, 1617). Some of the ancient pieces of ordnance had these spare chambers, so that, after a charge had been fired, the chamber could be changed and operations carried on more rapidly. Thus they served as do the cartridges of modern breech-loading guns. Some camaras were used independently of the cannon, for firing salutes. See Stanley’s Vasco da Gama (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1869) pp. 226, 227, note.