A few smaller vessels also sail from Borneo, during the vendavals.They belong to the natives of that island, and return during the first part of the brisas.They enter the river of Manila and sell their cargoes in their vessels.These consist of fine and well-made palm-mats, a few slaves for the natives, sago—a certain food of theirs prepared from the pith of palms—and tibors; large and small jars, glazed black and very fine, which are of great service and use; and excellent camphor, which is produced on that island.Although beautiful diamonds are found on the opposite coast, they are not taken to Manila by those vessels, for the Portuguese of Malaca trade for them on that coast.These articles from Borneo are bought more largely by the natives than by the Spaniards.The articles taken back by the Borneans are provisions of wine and rice, cotton cloth, and other wares of the islands, which are wanting in Borneo.

Very seldom a few vessels sail to Manila from Sian and Camboja.They carry some benzoin, pepper, ivory, and cotton cloth; rubies and sapphires, badly cut and set; a few slaves; rhinoceros horns, and the hides, hoofs, and teeth of this animal; and other goods.In return they take the wares found in Manila.Their coming and return is between the brisas and the vendavals, during the months of April, May, and June.

In these classes of merchandise, and in the products of the islands—namely, gold, cotton cloth, mendriñaque, and cakes of white and yellow wax—do the Spaniards effect their purchases, investments, and exports for Nueva España.They make these as is most suitable for each person, and lade them on the vessels that are to make the voyage.They value and register these goods, for they pay into the royal treasury of Manila, before the voyage, the two per cent royal duties on exports, besides the freight charges of the vessel, which amount to forty Castilian ducados [241] per tonelada.This latter is paid at the port of Acapulco in Nueva España, into the royal treasury of the said port, in addition to the ten per cent duties for entrance and first sale in Nueva España.[242]

Inasmuch as the ships which are despatched with the said merchandise are at his Majesty's account, and other ships cannot be sent, there is generally too small a place in the cargo for all the purchases.For that reason the governor divides the cargo-room among all the shippers, according to their wealth and merits, after they have been examined by intelligent men, appointed for that purpose.Consequently every man knows from his share how much he can export, and only that amount is received in the vessel; and careful and exact account is taken of it.Trustworthy persons are appointed who are present at the lading; and space is left for the provisions and passengers that are to go in the vessels.When the ships are laden and ready to sail, they are delivered to the general and the officials who have them in charge.Then they start on their voyage at the end of the month of June, with the first vendavals.

This trade and commerce is so great and profitable, and easy to control—for it only lasts three months in the year, from the time of the arrival of the ships with their merchandise, until those vessels that go to Nueva España take that merchandise—that the Spaniards do not apply themselves to, or engage in, any other industry.Consequently, there is no husbandry or field-labor worthy of consideration.Neither do the Spaniards work the gold mines or placers, which are numerous.They do not engage in many other industries that they could turn to with great profit, if the Chinese trade should fail them.That trade has been very hurtful and prejudicial in this respect, as well as for the occupations and farm industries in which the natives used to engage.Now the latter are abandoning and forgetting those labors.Besides, there is the great harm and loss resulting from the immense amount of silver that passes annually by this way [of the trade], into the possession of infidels, which can never, by any way, return into the possession of the Spaniards.

His Majesty's agents for the government and justice, and the royal officials for the management of his Majesty's revenue, are as follows: First, the governor and captain-general of all the islands, who is at the same time president of the royal Audiencia of Manila.He has a salary of eight thousand pesos de minas per year for all his offices.[243] He possesses his own body-guard of twelve halberdiers, whose captain receives three hundred pesos per year.The governor alone provides and regulates all that pertains to war and government, with the advice of the auditors of the Audiencia in difficult matters.He tries in the first instance the criminal cases of the regular soldiers, and any appeals from his decisions go to the Audiencia.[244] The governor appoints many alcaldes-mayor, corregidors, deputies, and other magistrates, throughout the islands and their provinces, for carrying on the government and justice, and for military matters.These appointments are made before a government chief scrivener appointed by his Majesty, who helps the governor.

The governor likewise takes part with the royal Audiencia, as its president, in whatever pertains to its duties.The Audiencia consists of four auditors and one fiscal—each of whom receives an annual salary of two thousand pesos de minas [245]—one reporter, one court scrivener, one alguacil-mayor, with his assistants, one governor of the prison of the court, one chancellor, one registrar, two bailiffs, one chaplain and sacristan, one executioner, attorneys, and receivers.The Audiencia tries all causes, civil and criminal, taken to it from all the provinces of its district.[246] These include the Filipinas Islands and the mainland of China, already discovered or to be discovered.The Audiencia has the same authority as the chancillerías of Valladolid and Granada in España.At the same time, the Audiencia provides whatever is advisable for the proper and systematic management of the royal exchequer.

His Majesty's revenues in the Filipinas Islands are in charge of and their tribunal consists of three royal officials.They are appointed by his Majesty, and consist of a factor, an accountant, and a treasurer.They each receive an annual salary of five hundred and ten thousand maravedis.They have their clerk of mines, and registrars of the royal revenues, and their executive and other officials, all of whom reside in Manila.From that city they manage and attend to everything pertaining to the royal revenues throughout the islands.

His Majesty has a number of encomiendas apportioned to his royal crown throughout the provinces of the Filipinas Islands.The tributes of those encomiendas are collected for his royal treasury by his royal officials and the collectors engaged for that purpose by the royal officials.From year to year these amount to thirty thousand pesos, after deducting costs and expenses.They collect, from one year to another, eight thousand pesos in tributes from the Sangleys—both Christians and infidels.[247]

They also collect the fifth of all gold dug in the islands.By special concession for a limited period, the tenth is collected instead of the fifth.There is a declaration concerning it, to the effect that the natives shall pay no fifths or other duties on the jewels and gold inherited by them from their ancestors before his Majesty owned the country.Sufficient measures have been taken for the clear understanding of this concession and its investigation, for that on which the tenth has once been paid, and the steps to be taken in the matter.From one year to another they collect ten thousand pesos from these fifths, for much is concealed.[248]

The assignment of two reals from each tributario inures to the royal treasury and is paid into it, for the pay of the soldiers and the stipend of the prebendaries.These are collected from the encomenderos, in proportion to, and on the account of, their tributes, and amount annually to thirty-four thousand pesos.

The fines and expenses of justice are committed to the care of the treasurer of the royal revenues, and are kept in the treasury.They amount annually to three thousand pesos.

The three per cent duties on the Chinese merchandise of the Sangley vessels average forty thousand pesos annually.[249]

The two per cent duties paid by the Spaniards for exporting merchandise to Nueva España amount annually to twenty thousand pesos.On the merchandise and money sent from Nueva España to the Filipinas, result eight thousand pesos more.Consequently, in these things and in other dues of less importance that belong to the royal treasury, his Majesty receives about one hundred and fifty thousand pesos, or thereabout, annually in the Filipinas.[250]

Inasmuch as this amount does not suffice for the expenses that are incurred, the royal treasury of Nueva España sends annually to that of the Filipinas, in addition to the above revenues, some assistance in money—a greater or less sum, as necessity requires.For his Majesty has thus provided for it from the proceeds of the ten per cent duties on the Chinese merchandise that are collected at the port of Acapulco in Nueva España.This assistance is given into the keeping of the royal officials in Manila, and they take charge of it, with the rest of the revenues that they manage and collect.

From all this gross sum of his Majesty's revenue, the salaries of the governor and royal Audiencia are paid, as well as the stipends of prelates and ecclesiastical prebendaries, the salaries of the magistrates, and of the royal officials and their assistants; the pay of all the military officers and regular soldiers; his Majesty's share of the stipends for instruction, and the building of churches and their ornaments; the concessions and gratifications that he has allowed to certain monasteries, and private persons; the building of large vessels for the navigation to Nueva España, and of galleys and other vessels for the defense of the islands; expenses for gunpowder and ammunition; the casting of artillery, and its care; the expense arising for expeditions and individual undertakings in the islands, and in their defense; that of navigations to, and negotiations with, the kingdoms in their vicinity, which are quite common and necessary.Consequently, since his Majesty's revenues in these islands are so limited, and his expenses so great, the royal treasury falls short, and suffers poverty and need.[251]

The proceeds from the ten per cent duties and the freight charges of the ships, which are collected at Acapulco in Nueva España, on the merchandise sent there from the Filipinas, although considerable, are also not always sufficient for the expenses incurred in Nueva España with the ships, soldiers, ammunition, and other supplies sent annually to the Filipinas.These expenses are generally greatly in excess of those duties, and the amount is made up from the royal treasury of Mexico.Consequently, the king our sovereign derives as yet no profit from any revenues of the Filipinas, but rather an expenditure, by no means small, from his revenues in Nueva España.He sustains the Filipinas only for the christianization and conversion of the natives, and for the hopes of greater fruits in other kingdoms and provinces of Asia, which are expected through this gateway, at God's good pleasure.

Every year the Audiencia audits the accounts of the royal officials of his Majesty's revenues, strikes the balances, and sends the accounts to the tribunal of accounts in Mexico.[252]

In the city of Manila, and in all those Spanish settlements of the islands, reside Sangleys, who have come from Great China, besides the merchants.They have appointed settlements and are engaged in various trades, and go to the islands for their livelihood.Some possess their pariáns and shops.Some engage in fishing and farming among the natives, throughout the country; and go from one island to another to trade, in large or small champans.[253]

The annual vessels from Great China bring these Sangleys in great numbers, especially to the city of Manila, for the sake of the profits that are gained from their fares.As there is a superabundance of population in China, and the wages and profits there are little, they regard as of importance whatever they get in the Filipinas.

Very great annoyances result from this; for, not only can there be little security to the country with so many infidels, but the Sangleys are a wicked and vicious race.Through intercourse and communication with them, the natives improve little in Christianity and morals.And since they come in such numbers and are so great eaters, they raise the price of provisions, and consume them.

It is true that the city could not be maintained or preserved without these Sangleys; for they are the mechanics in all trades, and are excellent workmen and work for suitable prices.But a less number of them would suffice for this, and would avoid the inconvenience of so many people as are usually in Manila when the ships arrive—to say nothing of the many Chinese who go about among the islands, under pretext of trading with the natives, and there commit innumerable crimes and offenses.At the least, they explore all the country, the rivers, creeks, and ports, and know them better than the Spaniards do; and they will be of great harm and injury in case of any revolt or hostile invasion of the islands.

In order to remedy all the above, it was ordered that the vessels should not bring so many people of this kind, under penalties that are executed; that, when the vessels return to China, they take these Sangleys back with them; that only a convenient number of merchants remain in Manila, in the Parián, and the mechanics of all necessary trades; and that these must have written license, under severe penalties.In the execution of this, an auditor of the Audiencia is engaged by special commission every year, together with some assistants.On petition of the city cabildo, he usually allows as many Sangleys to remain as are necessary for the service of all trades and occupations.The rest are embarked and compelled to return in the vessels going to China, and a great deal of force and violence [254] is necessary to accomplish it.

Those merchants and artisans who remained in Manila before the revolt of the year six hundred and three had settled the Parián and its shops.The Parián is a large enclosed alcaicería of many streets, at some distance from the city walls.It is near the river, and its location is called San Graviel.There they have their own governor, who has his tribunal and prison, and his assistants; these administer justice to them, and watch them day and night, so that they may live in security, and not commit disorders.

Those who cannot find room in this Parián live opposite, on the other side of the river, where Tondo is, in two settlements called Baybay and Minondoc.They are in charge of the alcalde-mayor of Tondo, and under the ministry of the religious of St.Dominic, who labor for their conversion, and for that purpose have learned the Chinese language.

The Dominicans have two monasteries with the requisite assistants, and a good hospital for the treatment of Sangleys.In a district kept separate from the infidels, they have a settlement of baptized Sangleys, with their wives, households, and families, numbering five hundred inhabitants; and the religious are continually baptizing others and settling them in that village.But few of them turn out well, for they are a vile and restless race, with many vices and bad customs. Their having become Christians is not through the desire or wish for salvation, but for the temporal conveniences that they have there, and because some are unable to return to China because of debts incurred and crimes committed there.

Each and all, both Christians and infidels, go unarmed and in their national garb.This consists of long garments with wide sleeves, made of blue cangan (but white for mourning, while the chief men wear them of black and colored silks); wide drawers of the same material; half hose of felt; very broad shoes, according to their fashion, made of blue silk embroidered with braid—with several soles, well-sewed—and of other stuffs.Their hair is long and very black, and they take good care of it.They do it up on the head in a high knot, [255] under a very close-fitting hood or coif of horsehair, which reaches to the middle of the forehead.They wear above all a high round cap made of the same horsehair, in different fashions, by which their different occupations, and each man's rank, are distinguished.The Christians differ only in that they cut their hair short, and wear hats, as do the Spaniards.

They are a light-complexioned people and tall of body.They have scant beards, are very stout-limbed, and of great strength.They are excellent workmen, and skilful in all arts and trades.They are phlegmatic, of little courage, treacherous and cruel when opportunity offers, and very covetous.They are heavy eaters of all kinds of meat, fish, and fruits; but they drink sparingly, and then of hot beverages.

They have a governor of their own race, a Christian, who has his officials and assistants.He hears their cases in affairs of justice, in their domestic and business affairs.Appeals from him go to the alcalde-mayor of Tondo or of the Parián, and from all these to the Audiencia, which also gives especial attention to this nation and whatever pertains to it.

No Sangley can live or own a house outside these settlements of the Parián, and of Baybay and Minondoc.Native settlements are not allowed in Sangley settlements, or even near them.No Sangley can go among the islands, or as much as two leguas from the city, without special permission.Much less can he remain in the city at night, after the gates are shut, under penalty of death.

There are generally some Japanese, both Christian and infidel, in Manila.These are left by the vessels from Japon, although they are not so numerous as the Chinese.They have their special settlement and location outside the city, between the Sangley Parián and the suburb of Laguio, near the monastery of La Candelaria.There they are directed by discalced religious of St.Francis, by means of interpreters whom the fathers keep for that purpose.They are a spirited race, of good disposition, and brave.They wear their own costume, namely, kimonos of colored silks and cotton, reaching half way down the leg, and open in front; wide, short drawers; close-fitting half-boots of leather, [256] and shoes like sandals, with the soles of well-woven straw.They go bare-headed, and shave the top of the head as far back as the crown.Their back hair is long, and fastened upon the skull in a graceful knot.They carry their catans, large and small, in the belt.They have scant beards, and are a race of noble bearing and behavior.They employ many ceremonies and courtesies, and attach much importance to honor and social standing.They are resolute in any necessity or danger.

Those who become Christians prove very good, and are very devout and observant in their religion; for only the desire for salvation incites them to adopt our religion, so that there are many Christians in Japon.Accordingly they return freely, and without opposition, to their own country.At most there are about five hundred Japanese of this nation in Manila, for they do not go to other parts of the islands, and such is their disposition that they return to Japon, and do not tarry in the islands; consequently very few of them usually remain in the islands.They are treated very cordially, as they are a race that demand good treatment, and it is advisable to do so for the friendly relations between the islands and Japon.[257]

Few people come from the other nations—Sian, Camboja, Borneo, Patan, and other islands—outside our government; and they immediately return in their vessels.Consequently, there is nothing special to be said of them, except that care is exercised in receiving and despatching them well, and seeing that they return quickly to their own countries.

Since I have told, in the short time at my disposal, the characteristics of the Filipinas Islands, and their customs and practices, it will not be inappropriate to discuss the navigation to them since it is made thither from Nueva España; the return voyage, which is not short, or without great dangers and hardships; and that made in the eastern direction.

When the islands were conquered in the year of one thousand five hundred and seventy-four [sic; sc1564], the Spanish fleet sailed under command of the adelantado Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, from Puerto de la Navidad [258] situated in the South Sea, on the coast of Nueva España, in the province and district of Xalisco and Galicia, where resides the royal Audiencia of Guadalajara.A few later voyages were made also from the same port, until the point for the sending of these vessels was removed, for better and greater convenience, to the port of Acapulco, located farther south on the same coast, in sixteen and one-half degrees of latitude; it is eighty leguas from Mexico, and in its district.It is an excellent port, sheltered from all weather; and has a good entrance and good anchorages.Its vicinity is advantageous, being better provisioned and more populous than that of La Navidad.There a large Spanish colony has been established, with its alcalde-mayor, and royal officials who have charge of his Majesty's treasury; and these attend to the despatch of the vessels.

The vessels that sail to the Filipinas, as they are despatched annually on his Majesty's account, must necessarily leave in the certain season of the brisas, which begin in the month of November and last until the end of March.This navigation should not be made at any other season, for from June the vendavals blow, and they are contrary to the voyage.

As a rule, these ships sail and are despatched at the end of February, or at the latest by the twentieth of March.They sail west toward the islands of Las Velas, [259] otherwise called the Ladrones.The island of Guan, one of them, lies in thirteen degrees of latitude.Inasmuch as the vessels on leaving Acapulco are wont sometimes to encounter calms, they sail south from sixteen and one-half degrees, in which the port is situated, until they strike the brisas, which is generally at ten or eleven degrees.By this route they sail continually before the wind, and without changing the sails, with fresh and fair brisas, and in other moderate weather, for one thousand eight hundred leguas, without sighting any mainland or island.Then leaving to the south the Barbudos and other islands, and advancing gradually to a latitude of thirteen degrees, they sail until they sight the island of Guan; and above it, in fourteen degrees, that of La Çarpana [Seypan].This voyage to those Ladrones Islands lasts generally seventy days.

The natives of those islands, who go naked, and are a very robust and barbarous race, go out to sea to meet the ships as soon as they discover them, at a distance of four to six leguas, with many vessels; these are one-masted, and are very slender and light.These vessels have a counterpoise of bamboo to leeward, and their sails are made of palm-leaves and are lateen-sails.Two or three men go in each one with oars and paddles.They carry loads of flying-fish, dorados, [260] cocoa-nuts, bananas, sweet potatoes, bamboos full of water, and certain mats; and when they reach the ships, they trade these for iron from the hoops of casks, and bundles of nails, which they use in their industries, and in the building of their ships.Since some Spaniards and religious have lived among them, because of Spanish ships being wrecked or obliged to take refuge there, they come more freely to our ships and enter them.

Our ships sail between the two islands of Guan and Çarpana toward the Filipinas and the cape of Espiritu Santo, a distance of three hundred leguas farther on, in the latitude of about thirteen degrees.This distance is made in ten or twelve days with the brisas; but it may happen, if the ships sail somewhat late, that they encounter vendavals, which endanger their navigation, and they enter the islands after great trouble and stormy weather.

From the cape of Espiritu Santo, the ships enter the strait of Capul at the islands of Mazbate and Burias; thence they sail to Marinduque and the coast of Calilaya, the strait of Mindoro, the shoals of Tuley, and the mouth of Manila Bay.Thence, they go to the port of Cabit.This is a voyage of one hundred leguas from the entrance to the islands and is made in one week.This is the end of the voyage, which is good and generally without storms, if made in the proper time.

These vessels now make the return voyage from the Filipinas to Nueva España with great difficulty and danger, for the course is a long one and there are many storms and various temperatures.The ships depart, on this account, very well supplied with provisions, and suitably equipped.Each one sails alone, hoisting as much sail as possible, and one does not wait for the other, nor do they sight one another during the voyage.

They leave the bay and port of Cabit at the first setting-in of the vendavals, between the same islands and by the same straits, by the twentieth of June and later.As they set out amid showers, and are among islands, they sail with difficulty until they leave the channel at Capul.Once in the open sea, they catch the vendaval, and voyage east, making more progress when they reach the latitude of fourteen or fifteen degrees.

Then the brisa starts.This wind is the ordinary one in the South Sea, especially in low latitudes.Since it is a head wind, the course is changed, and the bow is pointed betwen the north and east, as much as the wind will allow.With this they reach a higher latitude, and the ship is kept in this course until the vendaval returns.Then, by means of it, the ship again takes an eastern course in that latitude where it happens to be, and keeps that direction as long as that wind lasts.When the vendaval dies, the ship takes the best course that the winds allow, by the winds then blowing between north and east.If the wind is so contrary that it is north or northwest, so that the ship cannot take that course, the other course is taken so that they may continue to maintain their voyage without losing time.At four hundred leguas from the islands they sight certain volcanoes and ridges of the islands of Ladrones, which run north as far as twenty-four degrees.[261] Among these they generally encounter severe storms and whirl-winds.At thirty-four degrees is the cape of Sestos, [262] at the northern head of Japon, six hundred leguas from the Filipinas.They sail among other islands, which are rarely seen, in thirty-eight degrees, encountering the same dangers and storms, and in a cold climate, in the neighborhood of the islands Rica de Oro ["rich in gold"] and Rica de Plata ["rich in silver"], which are but seldom seen.[263] After passing them the sea and open expanse of water is immense, and the ship can run free in any weather.This gulf is traversed for many leguas with such winds as are encountered, until a latitude of forty-two degrees is reached, toward the coast of Nueva España.They seek the winds that generally prevail at so high a latitude, which are usually northwest.After a long voyage the coast of Nueva España is sighted, and from Cape Mendoçino (which lies in forty-two and one-half degrees) the coast extends nine hundred leguas to the port of Acapulco, which lies in sixteen and one-half degrees.

When the ships near the coast, which they generally sight betwen forty and thirty-six degrees, the cold is very severe, and the people suffer and die. Three hundred leguas before reaching land, signs of it are seen, by certain aguas malas, [264] as large as the hand, round and violet colored, with a crest in the middle like a lateen sail, which are called caravelas ["caravels"]. This sign lasts until the ship is one hundred leguas from land; and then are discovered certain fish, with half the body in the form of a dog; [265] these frolic with one another near the ship. After these perrillos ["little dogs"] are seen the porras ["knobsticks"], which are certain very long, hollow shoots of a yellow herb with a ball at the top, and which float on the water. At thirty leguas from the coast are seen many great bunches of grass which are carried down to the sea by the great rivers of the country. These grasses are called balsas ["rafts or floats"]. Also many perrillos are seen, and, in turn, all the various signs. Then the coast is discovered, and it is very high and clear land. Without losing sight of land, the ship coasts along it with the northwest, north-northwest, and north winds, which generally prevail on that coast, blowing by day toward the land, and by night toward the sea again. With the decrease of the latitude and the entrance into a warm climate the island of Cenizas [ashes] is seen, and afterward that of Cedros [cedars]. Thence one sails until the cape of San Lucas is sighted, which is the entrance of [the gulf of] California. From that one traverses the eighty leguas intervening to the islands of Las Marias and the cape of Corrientes ["currents"], which is on the other side of California in Val de Vanderas ["valley of banners"], and the provinces of Chametla. Thence one passes the coast of Colima, Sacatul, Los Motines ["the mutinies"], and Ciguatanejo, and enters the port of Acapulco—without having made a way-station or touched land from the channel of Capul in the Filipinas throughout the voyage. The voyage usually lasts five months or thereabout, but often six and even more. [266]

By way of India, one may sail from the Filipinas to España, by making the voyage to Malaca, and thence to Cochin and Goa, a distance of one thousand two hundred leguas.This voyage must be made with the brisas.From Goa one sails by way of India to the cape of Buena Esperança [Good Hope], and to the Terceras [i.e., Azores] Islands, and thence to Portugal and the port of Lisboa.This is a very long and dangerous voyage, as is experienced by the Portuguese who make it every year.From India they usually send letters and despatches to España by way of the Bermejo ["Red"] Sea, by means of Indians.These send them through Arabia to Alexandria, and thence by sea to Venecia [Venice] and thence to España.

A galleon bound for Portugal sails and is despatched from the fort of Malaca, in certain years, by the open sea, without touching at India or on its coasts.It reaches Lisboa much more quickly than do the Goa vessels.It generally sails on the fifth of January, and does not leave later than that; nor does it usually anticipate that date.However, not any of these voyages are practiced by the Castilians—who are prohibited from making them—except the one made by way of Nueva España, both going and coming, as above described.And although the effort has been made, no better or shorter course has been found by way of the South Sea.[267]

Laus Deo

CONQUISTA DE LAS ISLAS MALUCAS

By the licentiate Bartolomé Leonardo de Argensola.Madrid; [published] by Alonso Martin, in the year M.DC.IX.

SOURCE: This is translated and synopsized from the original printed work, for which purpose have been used the copies belonging to Harvard University and to Edward E.Ayer, of Chicago.

TRANSLATION: This document is translated and synopsized by James
A. Robertson.

CONQUEST OF THE MALUCAS ISLANDS.

Dedicated to King Felipe III, Our Sovereign.

                         Written by Licentiate
                    Bartolome Leonardo de Argensola,
                  chaplain of her Majesty the Empress,
                      and Rector of Villahermosa.

Madrid. Printed by Alonso Martin M DC IX.

CONQUEST OF THE MALUCAS ISLANDS

[The usual licenses and preliminary matter precede Argensola's [268] history. The license of the king permitting the author, and no other, to have the book printed and sold for the following ten years, bears date "Madrid, January twenty-four, one thousand six hundred and nine." The license and approbation of the ordinary, Doctor Cetina, dated "Madrid, December 30, 1608," certifies that the history contains nothing against the Catholic faith. Pedro de Valencia, royal chronicler, under date of "Madrid, January 14, 1609," approves the work as deserving publicity. Licentiate Murcia de la Llana, after comparing a single printed copy with the original manuscript, appends a list of errata, with certification that, with these, the book corresponds to the original. This bears date "Madrid, May 4, 1609." Pedro Zapata del Marmol, at "Madrid, May seven, one thousand six hundred and nine," appraises the book and orders that it be sold at four maravedis per pliego or fold, thus making the price of the book, since it contains one hundred and six pliegos, twelve reals, sixteen maravedis. In his dedication, dated "Madrid, May 4, 1609," Argensola requests the king to read his book, as it "contains victories of the Church." The author's brother, Lupercio Leonardo de Argensola, secretary of the empress, chief chronicler of the king in Aragón, writes a letter "to the readers," in which he meets their arguments or supposed arguments, and defends the title and contents of the book, the method of treatment, the style, and its raison d'être

The work contains ten books, the first four of which consist almost entirely of matters extraneous to the Philippines, such as Maluco matters, the history of Pedro Sarmiento's expedition through the Strait of Magellan in search of Drake, etc. The last six books contain more Philippine matter, and while Argensola cannot always be credited with the same reliability as Morga, he often supplements the latter.His introduction in the first book reads as follows:] [269]

I write of the reduction of the Malucas Islands to the obedience of Felipe III, king of España, and the reduction of their kings to their former vassalage, which their predecessors rendered, and which was introduced anew by Don Pedro de Acuña, governor of the Filipinas and general of the Spanish fleet.That was a victory worthy the foresight of so pious a monarch, of the care of the dignified ministers of his supreme council, and of the valor of our nation: not so greatly because of the rare fertility of those provinces, as because by it was taken from the northern fleets one great compelling motive for sailing our seas, so that they should not infect the purity of the new faith of the Asiatic Indians, and the inhabitants of our colonies who trade with them, with heresy.The short time in which the undertaking was completed does not detract from its praise; on the contrary, it can, by that very fact, occupy a worthy place among more copious narratives.Well do I see the dangers to which I expose myself, but I am also confident that I shall not find a defense wanting.Illustrious sculptors or painters are wont to esteem highly the heads, arms, and other members, that are copied perfectly from living bodies, in imitation of which they form all the parts, when they wish to make any figure.Those ignorant of art despise that preparation, and only enjoy the statue or picture, which is composed of all its members, and do not examine the imperfections that they may possess.My present relation of the recovery of those kingdoms will be judged by this esteem and by this contempt.For the wise, who know how history is formed, will esteem this part drawn from life.Others who read, as they confess, only to pass the time, will value it but little—preferring some highly fabulous monstrosities, or a prolix book, which, under the name of history, contains a marvelous number of people, and their deaths; and which gives events, not as God disposed them, but as they desire them.Hence it happens that many things worth knowing remain hidden, for, since they are deferred tor general histories, they are contemporaneously written but meagerly, by those concerned in them; and when their manuscripts are wanted, they are not to be found, or else bind the writer to the laws imposed on him by those who wished to leave that memorial through their self-love or any other passion, and he can make no examination of their truth.Consequently to free a success so important as that of Ternate, the capital of all Maluco, from this danger, I was ordered to write it, during the lifetime of those who engaged in it either actively, or through counsel I am so fully informed of what is needful to write this history, that I hope to supply my want of ability by the truth.Of this alone have I deemed it fitting to advise the reader, and not of the advantage that will be derived from a perusal of this relation.For if the reader desire my relation, any advice on my part will be superfluous; and otherwise, even though such advice guide him rightly, it will be impossible to achieve anything thereby.

[The first four books treat somewhat briefly of the legendary history and the European discovery of the the Malucos; their importance in trade, by reason of their spices, and other resources; their inhabitants; the early Portuguese domination and cruelties, and the consequent risings and rebellions of the natives; the civil wars between Ternate and Tidors; and the accession of Felipe II to the Portuguese crown.The following extracts and abstracts are made from various parts of these four books:]

The eastern archipelago … embraces so many islands, that even yet we do not know their exact number. Modern writers make five divisions of this archipelago, which are themselves a like number of archipelagos—namely, Maluco, Moro, Papuas, Celebes, and Amboyno. The name of the first in that language is Moloc, and means the same as "capital," for it is the capital of all the adjacent parts; and, according to others, Maluco, which signifies in Arabic, as par excellence, "the kingdom." It is reduced to five chief islands, all under one meridian, all in sight of one another, and lying within a distance of twenty-five leguas. They lie across the equator, their most northern latitude being one-half degree, and their most southern one degree. They are bounded on the west by the island of Xilòlo, called Batochina de Moro by the Portuguese, and Alemaera by the Malucos. Of the many islands round about, which are also called Malucas, … the following are remarkable for the abundance of their spice, namely—beginning at the north-Ternate, Tydore, Motiel, Maquien, and Bacham. In the time of their former pagans they were called Cape, Duco, Moutil, Mara, and Seque … The inhabitants differ from one another, as it were, by the miraculous kindness of nature. The women are light-complexioned and beautiful, while the men have a complexion somewhat darker than a quince. The hair is smooth, and many anoint it with fragrant oils. They have large eyes and long eyelashes, which, with their eyebrows, they wear blackened. Their bodies are robust, and they are much given to war, but to all other employment they are slothful. They live long, grow gray early, and are always active, on sea no less than on land. Hospitable and kind to guests, they are importunate and insistent in their demands when they become familiar. They are full of self-interest in their dealings, and make use of tricks, frauds, and lies. They are poor, and consequently proud; and, to name many vices in one, they are ungrateful. The Chinese occupied all these islands when they subjugated all that orient, then the Javanese and Malays, and lastly the Persians and Arabs. These last, by means of commerce, introduced the superstitions of Mahomet among the worship of their gods (of whom some families boasted as ancestors). Their laws are barbarous. They set no limit to their marriages. The chief wife of the king, called putriz in their language, determines nobility and the right to the succession—to which her children are preferred, even when they are younger than the children of other mothers. Not even the slightest theft is pardoned, but adultery is easily excused. At daybreak, those appointed for this duty sound (by law) large timbrels in the streets of the settlements, in order to awaken married people, whom, on account of human propagation, they judge worthy of political care. The majority of crimes are punished by death. In other things they obey the tyranny or will of the conqueror. The headdress of the men consists of colored Turkish turbans, with many feathers in them. That of the king, which corresponds to a crown, has the form of a miter in its peak. The remainder of the clothing universally consists of jackets which they call cheninas, and trousers of blue, crimson, green, or violet damask.Of the same material are their cloaks, which are short and military, and fastened diagonally or knotted on the shoulder, after the fashion of the ancient Roman garments, as known to us by the writings, statues, and other traces of those times.The women show off their hair, now letting it hang, and again knotting it upon the head, and placing various kinds of flowers in the bands that hold it; so that, in the adjustment of their headdress, they are not embarrassed by veils, plumage, or feathers.All that variety, even without art, adorns them.They wear bracelets, earrings, and necklaces of diamonds and rubies, and long strings of pearls—ornaments that are not prohibited to the common people; as neither are silks, which are especially worn by the women after the fashion of Persians and Turks.These are all the wealth of the seas and surrounding lands.Men and women betoken in their dress the natural haughtiness of their disposition.The variety of their languages is not little.It may happen that one village cannot understand the language of the next.Malay, being most easy to pronounce, is most common.From the variety of languages it is inferred that these islands have been populated by different nations.Antiquity, and the art of navigating in those districts, is ascribed to the Chinese.Others affirm that the Malucos are descended from the Javanese, who, attracted by the sweetness of the odors wafted by the spices, stopped at Maluco.They took a cargo of cloves, which until then were unknown, and, continuing to trade in these, carried them in their vessels to the Persian and Arabian straits.They went throughout those provinces, carrying also ilks, and chinaware—products of the resources and skill of the Chinese.The cloves, by means of the Persians and Arabs, came to the Greeks and Romans.Several Roman emperors tried to conquer the east, in order to find the spice regions, so much did they desire the spice.Believing that they all came from China, they gave them Chinese names.The Spaniards formerly brought the spices with other merchandise from the Bermejo [i.e., Red] or Erithrean Sea.The kings of Egypt once gained possession of the spices, and they reached Europe by way of the Asiatics.When the Romans made Egypt one of their provinces, they continued the trade.The Genoese, much later, transferring the commerce to Theodosia (now Cafa) distributed the spices, and there Venecia and other trading nations established their agents and factories.They sailed later by way of the Caspian Sea and Trapisonda; but the trade fell with the empire, and the Turks carried this merchandise in caravans of camels and dromedaries to Barcito, Lepo, and Damasco, and to various Mediterranean ports.[270] The sultans of Cayro restored this trade to the Bermejo Sea, and to Alexandria by the Nilo [i.e., Nile] River.The Portuguese deprived the sultans of it, after their conquest of the Eastern Indias, and now they bring the spices by way of the cape of Buena Esperanza in their fleets; while with those that sail along the coasts of Arabia and Persia, and to the cape of Guardafun, they prohibit drugs being taken to Cayro, sinking or capturing the vessel that tries to do so.The sultan's trade was suppressed by this fear and the security that was introduced, and all the spices come on the account of the royal crown to India, with innumerable delays, until they reach Lisboa.He who is master of the navigation will be master of this pleasing wealth.

[Mindanao—which, as appears from an allusion by Argensola, was not always considered a portion of the Philippines proper—is visited by one of the early Portuguese conquerors, Captain Pinto, being sent there by Tristan de Atayde "and to the neighboring islands, to provide themselves with the necessities of life."There "he visited the king, by whom he was courteously received; and after his credentials were examined, and consultation over his requests was held with the Sangages [271] of the king's council, peace and friendship were made.Pinto sold his merchandise at whatever price he wished, and traded for and bought a cargo of provisions at will."(Book ii, pp.49-50.)The desire for cloves [272] on the part of the Portuguese is so strong in the Malucos that the natives determine to burn their trees, although "the clove harvest forms the wealth of the Maluco kings," in order to cause them to leave.Although the threat is not carried out, wars prevail constantly between natives and conquerors.The contests become so vindictive and troublesome that they lead to arguments for abandoning the Philippines after Felipe II's accession to the throne.The passages relating to this are as follows:]

The apprehensions of this danger had made the ministers of all those provinces anxious, for their fears were being confirmed by proofs of manifest rebellion.In Goa, Diego Lopez de Mezquita was already a prisoner in the fortress of Benastirim, and under a strong guard, and the viceroy was awaiting the decision from España to dispose of him and of the soldiers; for they feared lest the Ternatans would make use of the great help that could be sent them by the Chinese; which could be sent much more easily if the matters then being discussed in Castilla were made certain.It was reported that the Council of State—having noted that the Filipinas not only did not augment the royal incomes, but were even lessening them, and were the occasion for fruitless expense; and that they were so numerous and so difficult of conservation—had proposed to King Filipo, our sovereign, to abandon them, and withdraw the Audiencia and presidios that sustained them.They added to this argument the example of the Chinese kings and nations, who also had abandoned those islands—although they are so near and can aid them so easily, that the islands may be reckoned as a part of their mainland.They said that as España was governing them, signal detriment was being received, and there were no hopes that any betterment would be obtained in future; for the amount of silver passing thither from Nueva España, both for regular expenses and for merchandise, was immense.For the same reason, and by the same road, that treasure was being sent by the hands of the Chinese to the center of those kingdoms, which, intractable by the severity of their laws, are debarred by those laws, as by arms and fortifications, from all trade with foreigners.They asserted that the monarchy, scattered and divided by so many seas, and climes, could scarcely be reduced to one whole; and that human foresight could not bind, by means of ability, provinces separated by nature with so distant boundaries.These arguments, they said, were born not of the mind, but of experience, a truth manifest to the senses.All other arguments that could be adduced against this reasoning they declared to be honorable and full of generous sound, but difficult of execution.It would be more advisable to increase the power of the king in Europe, where the forces could attend to emergencies without the casualties that militate against them in outside seas and dominions.Each one of these arguments was enforced so minutely by the ministers of the treasury that this proposition merited consideration and examination.Had God permitted the king to exclude the Filipinas from his monarchy, and leave them exposed to the power of whomsoever should seize them first, the Malucans would have so strengthened the condition of their affairs that it would have been impregnable.

This same resolution has been communicated on other occasions, and in the reign of King Filipo Third, now reigning.He, conforming to his father's reply, has ever refused to accept counsel so injurious.Consequently, that most prudent monarch answered that the Filipinas would be conserved in their present condition, and that the Audiencia would be granted sufficient authority so that justice could be more thoroughly administered; for in the completeness and rigor of justice the king based the duration and energy of the state.For the same reason, the military force there would be strengthened, and the royal incomes of Nueva España, or those of any other of his kingdoms, would be expended for that purpose, for all the treasures, and those still to be discovered in the bosom of the mines, must be applied to the propagation of the gospel.For what, he asked, would the enemies of the gospel say, if they should see that the Filipinas were deprived of the light, and of the ministers who preach it, because they did not produce metals and wealth as did other rich islands in Assia and America?He said that the entire power of the sovereigns must minister to this superior end, as sons of the Church and assistants of the apostolic voice, which is being continued in the successes of the first preaching.If he had refused to yield one jot in his severity to his northern vassals, [273] or to grant them liberty for their consciences, why should he relent toward the pagans and Mahometans, who are the harvest that God has assigned him, in order to enrich the Church with those so remote children?By this wise he enjoined silence on the discussion, and with this glorious aim the decision has ever been made when zeal or human convenience has discussed the abandonment of those states….This religious motive influenced Felipo; but, besides it, those who had experience of those Asiatic sources of wealth urged others.The most abundant wealth consists of diamonds, rubies, large and seed pearls, amber, musk, civet, and camphor, from Borneo and China; vermilion, coral, quicksilver, copper, and white cloth, from Cambaya and Mengala; rugs, carpets, fine counterpanes, camlets, from Persia; brocades, ivory, rhubarb, cardamoms, cassia, [274] incense, benzoin, wax, china, lac for medicine and dyes, cloves, and mace, from Banda; with gold, silver, and pearls, medicinal woods, aroes, eagle-wood, calambuco, [275] ebony, and innumerable other rare plants, drugs, spices, and ornaments.They say that Venecia lost all this when the commerce passed to Portugal [276] (Book ii, pp.84-86)….

[While the war between the Portuguese and the natives is at its height, a galleon passes which is later found to have been neither Spanish nor Portuguese, as the natives fear, "but a ship of Venetians, private persons, on its way from Manila to China, with various bartered merchandise of those states and of the east" (Book ii, p.89).

A native envoy visits Felipe II in Lisbon, but fails to accomplish much.The later wars between Portuguese and Spaniards and natives are characterized by assistance for the latter from English and Dutch sources.King Felipe "especially to recover Témate," turns "his eyes to the convenience afforded by all the Filipinas, to a greater extent than India."Later he orders by "his royal decree" that "all the governors of the Filipinas should be instructed to aid the Malucas, and all the Indian states of the Portuguese crown; for this may be done more conveniently from those islands than from India itself" (Book iv, p.140).Argensola recurring again to the proposition of abandoning the Philippines and other islands, says:]

The reader should also consider, that although avarice is sometimes mixed up in the ministry of the preaching of the gospel, and lawless acts are committed by our captains and soldiers, yet such excesses do not make the cause less just.He should consider also that, supposing that his Majesty should choose, for excellent state reasons (as we said were proposed), to abandon those districts of Asia, as the Chinese did, and to narrow the bounds of his monarchy, the cause of the faith would not permit it.Our kings are ministers of the faith, and sons of the Catholic church, and any war waged for the introduction of the gospel is most important, and of the greatest profit, even though it be to acquire or to gain desert provinces.Besides the Filipinas have shown how docile are their natives, and how thoroughly they benefit by the example and company of the Spaniards—the tokens of the affection with which they have received the faith and aid the religious who are extending the faith and carrying it to China, Japon, Camboxa, Mindanao, the Malucas, and the other places where endures idolatry or friendship with the demons (which the former owners of the country left to them when they excluded those places from their dominion), or the fictions of Mahomet, which those places afterward admitted.This is the chief reason for conserving those provinces.(Book iv, pp.161, 162.)

Conquest of the Malucas Islands
Book Fifth

After the Luzones or Manilas Islands—both these being ancient names—had been discovered by Magallanes, Sebastian Cano returned to España, after the former's death and the successive deaths of his companions, in that venerable ship which—as if significant of its voyage, which contains more of truth than of probability—they called "Vitoria."Sebastian Cano was a mountaineer, from the hamlet of Guetaria in the Pyrenees Mountains, according to Mapheo, [277] in his Latin history.In his history he devotes much space to the great courage of Cano, and his skill in the arts of navigation.He recounts the universal respect and admiration bestowed upon Cano, since he was the first in the age of mortals to circumnavigate this globe.And in truth, what estimation can remain to the fabulous Argonauts, Tiphys and Jason, and the other navigators whom the elegance or the daring of Grecia extols, when compared to our Cano?He was the first witness of the commerce of the seas, and nature opened to his eyes what had been reserved until then for them; and he was allowed to explore it all, and to furnish a beginning in so arduous endeavors for the law that saves and renders eternal.After the death of Magallanes, the Lusones Islands—which ought to have inherited his name, as being his sepulcher, as the strait did because of his passage through it—changed that name for that of Filipinas, [278] in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-five; although those islands of that eastern archipeago are also called by that name.Adelantado Miguel de Legaspe, who was sent from Nueva España by Viceroy Don Luys de Velasco with a Spanish fleet, made port in those islands.He conquered first the island of Zebu and those in its vicinity, where he remained six years.That region is called by another name, Pintados, still preserved by different portions of that coast, because the Indians at that time went about naked, and with their bodies adorned and painted [i.e., tattooed] in various colors.Legaspe left a guard there and went to occupy Luzon, one hundred and fifty leguas from Zebû.He fought the barbarians, whom, after the surprise of our ships, weapons, and faces had worn off, the same novelty encouraged.Legaspe anchored in a bay four leguas wide, which shows an island midway in its entrance, now called Marívelez.The bay has a circuit of thirty leguas to the city of Manila, and is eight leguas wide from north to east.The inhabitants of that city resisted him with greater courage than the Pintados, for they had artillery and a fort.But after the Spaniards had taken that, the defenders of it surrendered.This was done quickly, and allowed no time for the inhabitants to unite.Thus did Legaspe enter Manila, a place fortified by nature.At one point of it (which is surrounded by the water of the bay) is a river of considerable volume, whose source is the great Lake of Vay [Bay], five leguas distant.This point, narrow and slender at first, becomes wider immediately, for the seashore turns toward the southwest, and the bank of the river toward the east, so that a very considerable space is left for the city.The city is entirely surrounded with water, except that part between the west and south.Legaspe founded the city then with wooden buildings, for wood is produced abundantly in those regions.The roofs of the houses were covered with nipa leaves, which resemble our mace-reed, [279] and which form a sufficient defense against the rains.It is, however, an inflammable material, and is the occasion of the great fires that have happened there so often.Luzon is more densely populated than any of the many islands—which are called Filipinas in honor of King Filipo II, and which, as is affirmed, number eleven thousand.Luzon has a circumference of three hundred and fifty leguas.Beyond the bay it runs one hundred leguas to the north, as far as Nueva Segovia; from the beginning of that province (namely, Cape Bojador), it runs for thirty leguas east to the promontory of El Engaño.Thence the coast runs south for eighty leguas, and then with another changed direction for forty leguas to what they call Embocadero ["the channel"], that is, the strait opposite the island Tandaya, which is distant eighty more leguas from the bay.Consequently the island has the shape of a square; it has many harbors, but few capacious ports.Manila is in slightly more than fourteen degrees of northern latitude, and in longitude (reckoning from the Canarias) one hundred and sixty.The most northern part of Luzon lies in nineteen degrees [of latitude].With the sea between them, the great kingdom of China lies on that side of it, seventy leguas away; while the islands of Japon lie to the northeast, at a distance of two hundred and fifty leguas.On the east is the open ocean, and on the south the greatest of the archipelagos of the ocean, which is divided into live archipelagos.These are broken up into so many islands, kingdoms, and provinces, that one would believe that nature did not desire men to ascertain their number.Both Javas, our Malucas, Borneo, and Nueva Guinea are known; on the west, and at a distance of three hundred leguas, Malaca, Sian, Patan, Camboxa, Cochinchina, and other different provinces on the mainland of Asia.The Chinese abandoned living in our Filipinas, but not its trade; nor did the cultivation or the fertility of the islands for that Reason cease.Wheat and other necessary grains are produced there in abundance: deer, Cattle, buffaloes, goats, and wild boars; and fruits and spices.If there be anything lacking, the Chinese from Chincheo bring it, such as chinaware and silks.The wine always used and drunk there is made from palms, by cutting off the clusters of fruit that they produce, when green—that fruit is called cocos—from which, after cutting the leaf stalks, they gather the liquor that flows forth, and boil it in jars, until it becomes so strong that it causes intoxication and has the same effects as the strongest Spanish wine.Of native fruits, there are oranges, lemons, and very sweet citrons; while they have fig and pear-trees introduced from España.They rear sparrow-hawks, herons [martinetes], and royal eagles in great abundance.They have a great many different kinds of parrots, and other birds, large and small.In the rivers and lakes are many horrible caymans or crocodiles; these kill the Indians very easily—and especially the children, who go carelessly to their haunts—as well as the cattle when they go to drink.Not a few times has it happened that they have seized the cattle by the muzzles and pulled them beneath the water, and drowned them without power to resist, however large the animal may be.Then the carcass is dragged ashore and devoured …Indians are found so courageous that, notwithstanding the fierceness of those animals, they kill them with their hands.They cover the left hand and arm with a glove made from buffalo hide, and hold therein a stake or peg, somewhat longer than a tercia, [280] and about as thick as the wrist, and sharpened at both ends.Then they enter the river until the water reaches the waist.The crocodile rushes upon the Indian with open mouth to devour him.The latter presents to it his protected arm and the hand with the stake, so that the beast may seize it, and runs it into the animal's mouth in such a position that it cannot shut its mouth or make use of its strong teeth to attack its slayer.Feeling the pain of the sharp stake the crocodile becomes so docile that it neither resists nor attacks, nor dares move, for the slightest movement causes it pain.Thereupon the barbarian, pulling strongly on the stake, wounds the beast repeatedly with a dagger (carried in the right hand) in the throat, until it bleeds to death.Then it is drawn ashore with lines and ropes, with the aid of other Indians who unite to drag it in; and many are needed, because of the huge bodies of those crocodiles.They resemble lizards, but are furnished with scales so strong that scarce can an arquebus-shot dent them.The only vulnerable spots are the throat and under parts of the legs [i.e., where they join the body], where nature has given them a certain sweet odor, which the Indians use.Besides cattle, all the animals of Africa and more are found in those islands—tigers, lions, bears, foxes, monkeys, apes, squirrels—and in some of them are many civet-cats.These last are wont to be hunted extensively, in order to take them to different nations with the other merchandise of China—linens, silks, earthenware, iron, copper, steel, quicksilver, and innumerable other things, which are transported annually from those provinces.Religion and government are the same as those of España; but in those islands that are still unsubdued, foolish idolatry prevails.They attribute immortality to their souls, but they believe that souls wander from one body to another, according to that ridiculous [doctrine of] transmigration invented or declared by Pythagoras.Trading is much in vogue, and is advanced by the Chinese commerce.The Filipinos are more courageous than their other neighbors.The Spaniards and creoles do not belie their high origin.

By order of King Filipo an army was formed from all this people, in order to attempt to take the forts of Maluco. Don Gonçalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa was governor. Although he had received beforehand certain information by way of trade and the spies that had gone there, he was not satisfied with them, and sent another soldier to Maluco. The latter changed his clothes, and then with that and his aspect, which was not unlike that of the natives, and their language, which he spoke fluently, went to Tydore. He found our men very desirous of the enterprise, and the king of that island ready to push it with his forces. He went to Ternate with the merchants, and saw the fortresses and the reefs about the ports; and sounded their friendship with the English. He found that the latter landed and traded securely—or rather, as if by right. Nor was the multitude of secret Christians unknown to him, who would take up arms in due season; nor any of the other things, that, as an experienced spy, it was necessary for him to report. Thereupon Ronquillo prepared about three hundred Spaniards and more than one thousand five hundred Filipinos, with ammunition, food, and sailors. With three large vessels and a considerable number of smaller ones, he set sail toward Maluco at the proper season. Pedro Sarmiento was general, an energetic and experienced man, who still lives in Manila. He set out courageously and energetically, in order to destroy any of the enemies then sailing those seas. Several days previous his Majesty had appointed Pablo de Lima to the charge of Ternate, if it were gained; and had allowed his brother, Francisco de Lima, the concession of two voyages to Maluco, in consideration of their services and those of Henrique, their father. Pablo had married a Christian woman, and a devout one, although she was a relative of the king of Tydore, who is not a Christian. For this reason, and because he possessed in Ternate the ancient inheritance to the towns of Guita, Mofaquia, Mofaguita, Pauate, Pelueri, Sansuma, Tahane, Mayloa, and Soma; and in the island of Maquien, Sabele, Talapao, Talatoa, Mofabouaua, Tabalola, Tagono, Bobaba, and Molapa—of the majority of which the Ternatan king had dispossessed him, as well as Bitua and other towns in Tydore, on the pretext of his having abandoned them—he went to Manila, where he discussed with the governor the method of facilitating the conquest, on the very eve of its execution. His counsel was favored, and he gave it as it was his own cause. For, in addition to the inheritance that the king of Ternate had usurped from him, he expected to get the island of Moutil, which had belonged to his ancestors. The expedition was also authorized by the presence of Don Juan Ronquillo, the governor's nephew, who held equal authority by land and sea with Sarmiento. If there were anything wanting, it was thought that it would be supplied easily by the valor of the soldiers, together with the shortness of the voyage and the carelessness of the enemy. But the divided command proved an obstacle to that hope. Their voyage was not stormy, but neither was it so favorable that they were enabled to anchor exactly at Ternate, as was necessary in order to deprive the enemy from using their own vigilance. They went to Moutil to anchor, and within sight of the inhabitants of the land, fought with some hostile janquas[281] These were captured, and the Christians found within them were set at liberty.As Pablo de Lima knew the harbors, and as the people of the island did not possess the forces necessary to defend themselves against a fleet, and as it was easily attacked on the sides, it surrendered.The natives came with branches of palms, citron-trees, and gariofylos [i.e., caryophyllus], or clove-trees, as tokens of peace, and to beg pardon.They obtained both, and for master, Pablo de Lima.However the vesting him with that domain proved cf little utility; for a few days after, all the people slipped away, either considering themselves more secure in Ternate, or to meet the enemy—who must necessarily carry the war to that island, as happened.Sarmiento repaired his vessels on that island [i.e., Moutil], and without the loss of a single soldier, and flushed by his first victory, went to Talangame, passing through the hostile caracoas, which had been fitted up hastily and without order.The fort and the king, in possession of our artillery—especially the rampart, which was enlarged and afterward called Cachil Tulo, after the king's uncle, who built it—were in readiness long before, and were threatening some great disaster.Our men landed on that side, but their landing was opposed by the Ternatans.However night put an end to battle, and each side retiring to safety, our men finished landing and mounting their artillery, in the position and manner counseled by Pablo de Lima, who ever since then has been general of artillery in the fort of Tydore.The king of that island wished to join our troops, as was shown by certain actions, and by his promises to Alférez Dueñas; but he doubted the fortune of the Castilians, as if he had not had many experiences of it.Now the occasion persuaded him and fidelity bound him, but he still hesitated.The doubt of that king is believed to have hurt the outcome of the affair.Sarmiento, after having mounted the artillery and securely fortified himself, and after having taken some captives (from whom he learned the food supply and arms of the besieged), commenced to hem in the enemy, and to bombard them furiously.However he did not scare them, for they answered boldly.It became necessary to seize the high places, from which, as from commanding eminences—which were leveled later—our men harassed the enemy.Had they persevered in this, it would have sufficed to end the war.But to such an extent did sickness reign in our camp, that no better medicine was found than that of absence, and deferring this undertaking to another time.The assistance from Tydore was of no consequence.They proved lukewarm friends, and all the rest was spiritless.Heaven knows the other reasons.There must have been some stronger ones; for, in reality, the camp was raised, and after embarking returned to Manila, without having had any greater effect than to increase the confidence of the enemy.

Then only the English nation disturbed Spanish dominion in that orient.Consequently King Filipo desired not only to forbid it with arms near at hand, but also to furnish an example, by their punishment, to all the northern nations, so that they should not undertake the invasions that we see.A beginning was made in this work in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-eight, as is related in the following discourse.

[The beheading of Mary Stuart, the English confederation with Holland, and the building, disaster, and defeat of the "invincible armada" follow.The narrative continues:]

The Hollanders or Zealanders, confederated with Queen Isabel [i.e., Elizabeth of England], being witnesses of that event [i.e., the defeat of the armada], were encouraged to aspire to greater efforts, in disobedience to their religion and to their sovereign, to usurp the eastern riches—mines, spices, drugs, and silks—as is seen by their reckless voyages, in which they have been emulous of the recent examples set by the English, and by the more ancient ones left us by Colon, Alburquerque, Magallanes, Gama, and Cortes, as we shall see later….

After Santiago de Vera became governor of the Filipinas, he was especially ordered to equip a fleet to attack Ternate, where the English, from that time forward, were trading with all security.All nations had established factories there, except the Javanese and the Lascars.More than two thousand five hundred Moros from Meca were preaching their abominable doctrine.They did not fear Portugal; all their fear was caused by the Castilians, whom but lately they found pledged to vengeance.The king of Ternate knew that Sarmiento and Ronquillo would have taken it, had not disease prevented them.When the new preparation was learned in Tydore, the rumor was taken to Ternate by spies.That king immediately summoned his vassals, especially the islanders of Maquien and Homero, who, inasmuch as those islands are so densely populated, responded with forty caracoas.The number would have been greater, but the king would not permit that more should be equipped than he requested, as he could not conceal his dread lest they rebel, as the lands were full of Christians, and the tributes that he had imposed on them were so excessive.Santiago de Vera made Captain Juan Morones general, who was not lacking in prudence, just as valor was not lacking to the soldiers, or ammunition and artillery to the fleet.Pablo de Lima assisted in both forces.But whether caused by natural ambition, or want of harmony in some other way, they were so disunited that one would have prophesied jealousies before they left Manila.They set sail in good weather, and escaped the greatest hardships of the sea.But when they considered themselves safe, all the elements were loosed upon the fleet.Light and reckoning failed them.The boats were shattered and the most important one sunk, with the loss of all its crew.That was the galleon called "Santa Helena," which was carrying the pieces to bombard the fortress, and considerable of the other ammunition and apparatus.However they persisted, and the king of Bacham assisted them with the men that he had raised under the pretext of sweeping the sea of certain enemies; and, as a baptized Christian, he bewailed the apostasy that he had made, because of persecution, from the glorious confession of our faith, and promised the restitution of his soul.

[The futile operations of the Spaniards at Ternate follow.Refusing advice, the commander tries to take the main fort instead of attacking in different places with small detachments.Finally the siege is raised, when the enemy is almost starved out.Communication with traders from Europe is again free to Ternate, "especially with their new friends, the English."But internal disputes and ambitions in Ternate lead to the following letter to Santiago de Vera from Cachil Tulo, uncle of the illegitimate king of Ternate:]

My brother, Cachil Babu, former king of Ternate, wrote to Portugal to the king, requesting justice on a man who killed his father and mine, in return for which he promised to deliver to his Majesty the fort of Ternate, of which he had been dispossessed.And as his Majesty succeeded to the kingdoms of Portugal, he answered my brother's letter by Cachil Naique, his ambassador.But when it arrived, my brother was already dead, for which reason we did not then deliver the fortress, as a bastard son had succeeded him, whom the Ternatans, with the help of the king of Tydore, elevated as king, although he had no right to the throne.He refused to fulfil his father's promise and pledge.Neither would he take my counsel or that of my brother, Cachil Mandraxa, rightful heir of the kingdom, namely, that he deliver the fortress, as his father had promised the Portuguese—not because he could not defend himself from them or from his Majesty, but expressly because he had been thus ordered by his father and my brother.It must not be understood that it was taken from us by force of arms, but that we of ourselves had this will to deliver the fortress to serve his Majesty.Upon seeing us with this intention he determined to kill my brother, his uncle, the rightful heir of the kingdom, by having him stabbed by the hand of a slave, under his word and security and mine.Therefore, considering such action of my nephew senseless, and that he refuses to fulfil what his father and I and my brothers promised to his Majesty, I have determined, now and henceforth, to become the true vassal and servant of his Majesty.By this present I bind myself, and I swear by my religion, as I did so swear, and I shall not annul my pledge, through the father-vicar Antonio Ferreyra, to give all my help and aid for the taking of the fort, with all my kindred and friends, until his Majesty's captain takes possession of it or he who shall hereafter come with the Portuguese and Castilians, who shall be in his company.[This I shall do] provided that the captain or captains in his Majesty's name shall fulfil toward me the signed promise of Duarte Pereyra, the chief captain, inasmuch as I gave him another such message.That is to proclaim me king of Ternate, as soon as he shall take possession of the fort for his Majesty; for it belongs to me both through my father, and by the service that I am rendering, and that I hope to render later, to his Majesty.Therefore, I beseech your Lordship for favor, and request you in his Majesty's name to aid me by sending the greatest possible number of soldiers; and that quickly, so that this my intention and will to serve his Majesty in this may be achieved, and, as I hope, without loss of life—although, as your Lordship will have learned, this fortress is well garrisoned.The order and arrangement that these soldiers would better observe will be written to your Lordship by the chief captain.Given in Tydore, where I have come for this purpose, as the father-vicar Antonio Ferreyra and the auditor Antonio de Matos will testify, whom, as such persons, I begged to sign for me.May 23.

[The letter of the Portuguese commander verifies the above letter, and asks for four hundred Spanish soldiers, under pretext of sending them "to drive the Javanese from those seas, whose friendship the Ternatans value more than ours."They at least will keep the English from Ternatan ports.Fifteen fragatas and one galleon will be enough, and they are to be accompanied by Filipino pioneers.He tries to persuade the governor to undertake the expedition.Vera is anxious to do so, but is unable to attempt it at once.Meanwhile Cachil Tulo dies, and the vigilance required in watching the Chinese and Japanese in the Philippines renders it impossible to send the expedition to Ternate."Each one of these expeditions made inroads on the treasury and forces of the province, to so great an extent that it was necessary to allow a breathing-space to each of them."It is thought that a joint expedition from Malaca and Manila will accomplish more, and this is made some years later, under Andres Furtado de Mendoza, of whose character and some of whose deeds there follows an account.The island of Ceylon, its products and fauna are partially described, and some of its connection with the Portugese.Returning to Philippine matters, the narrative continues:]

At this time Santiago de Vera was already dismissed from his governorship of the Filipinas.After he had communicated with Andres Furtado, and received an answer from him, in which the latter coincided with his desire, fortune disturbed these beginnings, and Furtado became embroiled with those who did not love him, and Santiago de Vera was withdrawn from his office.Gomez Perez de las Mariñas, knight of the habit of Santiago, succeeded him.He was a man of great reputation, a native of Betanços in the kingdom of Galicia.He reached Filipinas in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety.He brought his son Don Luis with him, a knight of the habit of Alcántara.The new governor found Manila open to attack, without the form of a city, and without any money with which to improve it.More than two hundred thousand pesos were needed for it.However, by his plans and schemes, he completed the work without public or private loss.He established a monopoly of playing cards, imposed fines for excessive play, punished illicit combinations and frauds among the provision-dealers and the shops of that class: from all of which resulted the walls of Manila, which measured twelve thousand eight hundred and forty-nine geometric feet [i.e., Spanish feet], each foot being one tercia.To this he added his own careful oversight, and the assistance of the inhabitants, who aided willingly because of the request and example of their chief.The city had but one fort, and that badly constructed.He built another at the entrance to the river, to which he gave the name of Santiago, and enclosed the old one.He finished the cathedral, and, from the foundation, the church of Santa Potenciana, patroness of the island, as a shelter for women.Then he started the casting of cannon, and brought good artisans, who furnished the city with large and small artillery.He built galleys for the trade and commerce or merchandise—the subsistence of those lands.And in fulfilment of his promises in España, he cast his eyes on Ternate and all of Maluco, on the late disgrace and the unfortunate results of his predecessors who had attempted the conquest of that choice kingdom, and the punishments of its tyrants.He communicated these thoughts orally and by letters with zealous persons, more particularly with Marta, [282] a priest of the Society of Jesus, a serious and energetic man, whose experience and instruction had been of great use in those regions.This man gave him information, counsels, and helpers for the preparation and for the work.One of the latter was Brother Gaspar Gomez, a Spaniard, a lay religious of the same society.Among the many conferences that were held upon this matter, I find an exhortation from Father Antonio Marta, in a letter written from Tydore.As it is the original, and good for the better understanding, I will place it here, translated from the Portuguese….

[The letter above mentioned holds out to Dasmariñas the three inducements of service to the king, service to God, and personal ambition, in the proposed Molucca expedition.The war will be an arduous one, for "it will be fought not with the Ternatans alone, but with all the Moros of this archipelago," and the natives are brave and determined."The people of Tydore already say that they do not want Spaniards in these regions," and Gomez Perez will find it prudent to dissemble with them, "so that they will not join the Ternatans."Father Marta sends a map of the archipelago, promises immense booty, and assures the governor of the prayers of the religious.This letter, and conferences with one Geronymo de Azevedo and Brother Gaspar Gomez, decided the governor to undertake the expedition.He sent Gaspar Gomez with instructions to visit and inspect various parts of the archipelago; and the latter visited Ternate, Tydore, Mindanao, both Javas, and other regions as far as Malaca.The rest of book five is taken up with a relation of Pedro de Acuña's services and his appointment to Cartagena in Nueva España.]

Conquest of the Malucas Islands
Book Sixth

Meanwhile Gomez Perez, attentive to his preparation, concealed his purpose, while not sparing the expenses pertaining to ships, food, and men.Among other supplies, he built four fine galleys.To man them—as is there reported—he employed a means that was considered severe.He ordered that the number of Indians sufficient to equip the galleys [283] be purchased from those who were the slaves of other Indian chiefs, and that the Spanish encomenderos should pay for these men from their own money.The price assigned for each Indian was two taes of gold—each tae being slightly more than one onza—the value formerly general among them for slaves.He promised that the sum spent by the encomenderos for that purpose would be repaid afterward from the royal exchequer.However, this did not seem any lessening of the severity, for he improperly called those Indians slaves; but [among themselves] their masters treat them and love them as children, feed them at their tables, and marry them to their daughters.Besides, slaves were then valued higher.To the anger of those who were about to be sold, was joined that of the encomenderos, who were obliged to contribute from their property for expenses—which, in their opinion, were not very necessary—and to offend their tributaries by forcibly seizing them; while they themselves would never collect the price they were paying in advance, which was [to them] the most certain thing.The governor gave out that those galleys were to assure the country and defend it from the danger that threatened; for he knew absolutely that the emperor of Japon was going to attack it with a huge war-fleet.Without galleys it could not be defended, and consequently he was forced to man them with those slaves, since other rowers were lacking.These slaves were not to be chained in the galley, or treated as convicts; but would receive so great kindness that they themselves would prefer that treatment to that of their owners, whom they already had as fathers and fathers-in-law.These arguments, and the pressing need for defense, silenced all objections.But they did not silence report, for already it was known that he had come from España, pledged to the king, his ministers, relatives, and backers, to the Ternate undertaking; and, although he concealed it, unknown authors divulged it.Yet some tried to persuade him not to entrust the defense of Filipinas to the Chinese or Sangleys, for no bond, natural or civil, had ever bound or attracted them to any love for the islands.They bade him remember the recent example of what those people did on an occasion on which they were employed by his predecessor, and to be on his guard against them.He [i.e., Vera], sending a reënforcement of men, ammunition, and food to the fort and settlement of Cagayàn—which is on the shore of that island of Luzon, eighty leguas from the city of Manila—inasmuch as he then had no ship in which to send them, and being constrained by his present necessity, thought that he could supply the deficiency by using for that purpose a ship of the Chinese, then anchored at that port and about to return to China.He ordered the reënforcement to be embarked on that boat and the Chinese to convey it; and to leave it, on passing, at its destination, since that was directly on their way.He promised the Chinese to recompense and reward them for that service.They offered to do it with great display of willingness, howbeit that their cunning was seen in the sequel, and what opportunity teaches to him that awaits it.The Chinese set sail, and on the second day, while our Spaniards were asleep, and quite sure of being among friends and faithful ones, the Chinese attacked them in the night, so suddenly that they could not defend themselves.They were all beheaded and thrown into the sea.The Chinese pillaged all their cargo, and after dividing the booty, sailed for their own country.They only kept with them one wretched Spanish woman who accompanied our men.They left her alive, but after having insulted and maltreated her, left her on the first Chinese shore that they reached.She went then to the magistrates there, and informed them of the treachery committed by those people, and of the violence that they had inflicted on her.But although the judges were courteous to her, no satisfaction was given her for her injuries, and she was unable to obtain justice.On the contrary they ordered her to be taken into the interior by certain agents, and delivered to other supreme judges.On that journey, which was very long and many leguas, she endured greater hardships—until some governors, taking compassion on her and her tears, took her to the city of Macao, where the Portuguese reside, and they set her at liberty.Through that means, the whole deed was learned, and was in the mouth of all in Manila; and upon the occasion of this expedition, they exaggerated it still more.

Finally, all of the slaves demanded by Governor Gomez Perez had to be supplied, but with injuries and acts of oppression; and with the same injuries and oppression they were all put on the galleys.There they remained some time before sailing, and some of them died, because they were unused to that life.All those slaves proved insufficient to man all the galleys, and the flagship was without rowers.On that account, and in order to complete the work, more severe methods were used than at first.The governor ordered that two hundred and fifty Chinese be drafted from those who go to Filipinas to trade, in order to man or equip the flagship.Each of them was to be paid two pesos monthly from the royal treasury.The governor assured them that they would not be chained, but free, and could have their weapons and serve as soldiers, and would only have to row the galley during calms, if any should occur, and in order to double certain headlands.This decision being communicated to the Chinese, they ail refused it as an intolerable burden.But when our governor insisted upon this, in order to carry out his design, the Chinese governor assembled his people in order to discuss the matter, and to plan how they might choose two hundred and fifty from among them all; and he threatened that he would take every tenth man by their houses.That threat disturbed them so much, that the next day, all their windows were closed, and the merchants closed their shops; and the community was deprived of the provisions which were supplied to it by them.Our governor, upon seeing this, saying that they had mutinied, had about fifty of them seized, the first whom he could find, and put them in the galleys at the oar.Thereupon the rest, being cowed, assembled, and made up from among their number all the two hundred and fifty.And inasmuch as no one of them wished to be of that number, they distributed among those who accepted that service twenty thousand pesos, which were given as a present to those Chinese who would go on the galley, each one being given eighty pesos, besides the king's pay.With this good aid, Chinese were not wanting to consent to act as rowers, although the twenty thousand pesos were spent among them—or, more correctly, among the officers.From those two hundred and fifty Chinese, five companies were formed, and five Chinese Christians appointed as captains.They made their musters and reviews, with pikes and catans—which are but slightly different from cutlasses—and appeared to be happy and contented.Amid these occupations Brother Gaspar Gomez came unexpectedly to Manila, loaded with information which he referred to the governor in a number of private conferences.He said that the king of Ternate was not badly prepared, although his forces were somewhat weakened by his not being in very great harmony with the majority of the chiefs of his kingdom.Many were threatening to rebel because of his tyrannies and excessive levies of tribute.Now Javanese, Lascars, and Moros from Meca no longer resorted to Ternate, as they did in the time when Captain Morones went there during the term of Santiago de Vera.Gaspar Gomez gave very detailed information about the two forts of Talangame.He found that the king of Ternate usually had about three thousand soldiers, one thousand of them arquebusiers; while a considerable number came from the other kingdoms of his crown.They fought with missile weapons, campilans, and shields, and other armor of coats-of-mail and helmets, which Portuguese had traded for spice.They had considerable ammunition, all made by themselves from materials taken there by the Javanese as payment for cloves.Their chief place was the city of Ternate, where the king and all his court resided.Consequently it was the best guarded, and from that place the others obtained strength, courage, and all reënforcement.Gaspar Gomez advised that our army attack before dawn, for all assaults made at dawn on that people had always succeeded well.If our fleet could arrive unseen, it would without doubt conquer.But that king had placed spies and sentinels on almost all of his islands, and even in Canela, Sarrangán, and Mindanao.From the fort of Amboyno and from the kings of Syan [i.e., Siaó] and Tidore, a goodly number of bronze culverins and much other artillery could be brought in their caracoas.The Amboynos would send these at command, and they would be sent from Syan and Tydore as soon as requested; for, besides doing homage to the crown of España, those kings are hostile to Ternate.The supplies necessary to finish the war, even in case the king of Tydore should fail them (of whom it might be suspected that he did not wish to see his enemy totally destroyed), were the artillery and craft that were being prepared; and more than one thousand two hundred soldiers, well-armed and equipped with coats-of-mail and helmets, until they should go to the island of Banda in order to garrison that island as it needed.There should be a number of light vessels to catch the enemy when fleeing.Thus would the war be finished entirely and quickly, and without bloodshed.The infidel Ternatans themselves even said and published the same.They confessed that, if a large contingent of soldiers should reach their land, they would universally render homage without fighting.Consequently he inferred that secret Christians were living in the Malucas.The entire conquest of that island of Banda was very useful and advantageous, and of slight risk; and its maintenance was of great importance to the inhabitants of Amboyno, which belongs to us.Gaspar Gomez also affirmed that the Portuguese were facilitating the enterprise considerably, and recounted the interest and profit that would accrue to his Majesty.Father Antonio Marta was also of that opinion, in whom Governor Gomez Perez placed so great faith.Brother Gaspar Gomez to these so full reports and information added such details that he quite set on fire the mind of the governor.

At this time the king of Camboxa, named Landara, sent the governor an embassy through two Spanish captains, accompanied by many Cambodians, with the requisite authority for prosecuting his cause.That barbarous king took care that his ambassadors should not be natives of his kingdoms, because of the lack of confidence with which his vassals inspired him as to their faithfulness.He chose the ambassadors from different classes, so that a good result might come from the difference of their characters and dispositions.One was a Portuguese, Diego Veloso by name, and the other a Castilian, Blas Ruyz de Fernan Gonçalez.[284] They presented Gomez Perez with a fine gift, consisting of a considerable quantity of ivory, benzoin, chinaware, pieces of silks and cottons, and an elephant of a noble disposition, as was learned later by experience.They proposed their embassy, which was, in short, to beg help against the king of Syan [i.e., Siam], who was about to attack the Cambodian king with a vast army.The latter in recognition of that aid offered to become a vassal of the king of España, and a Christian.That king was certain that so valorous and courageous a knight as Gomez Perez would, under no circumstance, refuse a deed in which God would receive so obvious a service, and that would be so advantageous to the crown of España.The governor accepted the present, and responded to it by another of certain European products, and thanked the king for his confidence in applying to him.However, it was impossible for him to set about that help just then, or divert any portion of those forces that were prepared to punish the king of Ternate and recover that kingdom and the rest of Maluco, which had rebelled with so great an insult and outrage to the Spanish nation.His Highness should trust in God our Lord, and persevere in his attempt to serve him in the holy and true religion.When the Ternate enterprise was over, he would take his force to the relief of Camboxa.With these hopes, which were fulfilled by Don Luys de las Mariñas, his son, those ambassadors left.In order to give them truthful satisfaction and a just cause for the delay, it was necessary to publish the true purpose of that fleet, which until then had been kept secret.

Then the governor determined upon his departure, and tried to take with him as many men as possible.They were enlisted, willingly or by force—those who were requested and those who were compelled, alike.The encomenderos and soldiers caused a prodigal expense in ships, supplies and parades—which, because of the great opportunity furnished for all that in Filipinas, exceeded the governor's power and wishes.The governor sent Don Luys, his son, with all the regulars to the island of Cebu, where all the fleet was to be assembled.There he remained six months, awaiting new orders.Gomez Perez was detained in Manila, planning matters of importance.Two days before leaving, while a guest and dining at the house of Pedro de Roxas, his assistant, where he was wont to amuse himself in heavy gaming and merriment, he became so gay—beyond his custom, and contrary to the harshness of his character—that many interpreted it as his last farewell, and an omen of what happened.He recounted in conversation, amid much laughter, that father Fray Vicente, of the Franciscan order, had told him that that enterprise could not succeed; for the army was composed of conscripted men, and especially because the married men were going.The governor left Manila October seventeen, with six royal galleys, one galleon, one fusta, one fragatin, and a number of fragatas, caracoas, and vireys—different varieties of craft of the natives of the country.All the vessels, those belonging to his Majesty and those of his vassals who offered their persons for his service, totaled one hundred.There were one thousand well-armed Spaniards and more than four hundred arquebusiers from the vicinity of Manila; and another thousand of those called Visaias, people who use lances, shields, and bows and arrows.Besides these, there were more than four hundred others, Chinese, of those living throughout that island; and of those who come to trade, another goodly number, with pay—the great majority of whom were conscripts rather than volunteers.There was in the galleys a quantity of food for the fleet.The governor appointed his son, Don Luys Perez, as lieutenant of the fleet, and ordered him, as above stated, to assemble it at the island of Cebú.He himself embarked in the flagship, a vessel of twenty-eight benches, manned by two hundred and fifty Chinese; and eighty Spaniards also embarked in it.They reached Cabite, whence they sailed on the nineteenth, together with several vessels carrying private persons, who followed the governor at their own expense.They coasted the island of Manila, until they reached Balajàn; then they separated, for the vessels did not lose sight of shore, while the governor sailed in the open sea.On the twenty-fifth, he came alone to pass the night at the promontory of Azufre [285] ["Sulphur Point"] on the island of Manila, opposite that of Caça, where the current runs strong and the sea is choppy.As it was during the blowing of the brisa, the galley could not advance.It anchored under shelter of the point, but, through the strength of the current, dragged slightly.In order to return to its shelter, the Chinese were kept incessantly at the oar.In fact, they rowed with little energy—either because they were men new to that labor, and forced to the oar by violence; or because they were fatigued, and harassed by those who commanded them.Other contrary winds assailed them, which further impeded the voyage.In order to double certain promontories of the land, it was necessary to ply the oars, and to urge on the rowers with the severity and punishment generally used in galleys.They thought that harsh, and contrary to the governor's assurance, when he promised them that they would be treated with affection.But neither the whip nor threats, nor overcoming the currents by dint of the sweat of their limbs, seemed to them so intolerable and injurious as to hear from the governor's mouth harsh and severe words, ordering them to row manfully; for did they not, he would put them in chains, and cut off their hair.Such an insult among the Chinese is worthy of death, for they place all their honor in their hair.They keep it carefully tended and gaily decked, and esteem it as highly as ladies in Europa; and, in dressing it, display their taste and their social standing.They determined to mutiny, in order not to suffer such an insult and disgrace.Having appointed for that purpose the following night (namely, the twenty-fifth of October), when the Spaniards had lain down tired out upon the benches, and in other places in the hull, the Chinese did the same.However, they so cunningly divided themselves that each Chinese lay down beside a Spaniard, and pretended to sleep.Just before the hour of dawn, which they considered the most suitable time and the safest of all, upon seeing the Spaniards in their soundest slumber, the Chinese, at the sound of a shrill whistle (which was the signal agreed upon among them), all arose at the same moment; and each one with the greatest haste put on a white tunic or shirt, so that, in the midst of the uproar and the darkness, they might recognize one another, and distinguish those to be killed.However, for the greater security of the deed, they also lit a considerable number of wax tapers, which they had concealed in the folds of the white tunics.Then they seized their catans, which are sharper and more curved than our cutlasses, and each Chinese commenced, without disturbing the silence, to strike his neighboring Spaniard; and then, with the increase of their fury, to behead all those who were sleeping.More than sixty had embarked on the flagship, among them the servants of the governor, and others, old soldiers, who in order to oblige and accommodate him were enduring discomfort.They had been gambling all the night; and being tired, and because of the excessive heat, were sleeping naked, some in the midship gangway, others on the benches, while the more favored ones, to whom were given better quarters, slept aft.The governor went into his cabin to sleep.The Chinese proceeded to slaughter those who, suspecting nothing, were sleeping; it was done so quickly that when some of those asleep in the stern awakened, the other Spaniards were already dead.The guard did not perceive it, and such carelessness could admit of no excuse, for they had been sufficiently warned, and examples had preceded.Some waked, but finding themselves wounded and confused, jumped overboard, where most of them were drowned.Some—a very few—jumped overboard before being wounded, but they were also drowned, although they were near shore, for they could not reach land because of the strength of the current.Twelve escaped, and many dead bodies were found on the beach.The Chinese, now grown bolder, seized the pikes that they had hidden under the benches, and with outcries completed their treachery.The governor, who was sleeping below the hatchway, with a lantern or candle, awaked.In order to awaken him, the Chinese themselves began purposely to make a greater noise; while they cried out to him and begged him to come out and settle a quarrel among the "Castillas," as they call the Spaniards.He, either for that reason, or thinking that the galley was dragging as on other occasions, arose in his shirt, opened the hatchway, looked out, and pushed his body half way through it.At that same time, the Chinese fell upon him with their cutlasses, and fatally wounded him.They cleft his head, transfixed him with their pikes, and ran him through with more than barbaric ferocity.Perceiving that his death was near at hand, he retired, and took the prayer-book of his order, which he always kept with him, and an image of our Lady.Between those two refuges, which were later found bathed in his blood, he yielded up his life.However he did not die immediately, for they found him later in his bed, tightly holding the image, where he bled to death.About him were the bodies of Daniel Gomez de Leon, his valet, Pantaleon de Brito, Suero Diaz, Juan de Chaves, Pedro Maseda, Juan de San Juan, Carrion Ponce, and Francisco Castillo—all servants of his—besides the bodies of four very valiant slaves, who merited the same end.The outcome was not learned until dawn, for not one of the Chinese dared enter the governor's room that night, fearing lest a portion of the eighty Spaniards of the galley had taken refuge there, so cowardly did their guilt make them.The only survivors in the galley were Fray Francisco Montilla, a discalced religious of St.Francis, and Juan de Cuellar, the governor's secretary, who were sleeping below decks—where the Chinese, since they are so cowardly, did not dare descend for three days, until after the fury of the first attack had ceased.Then they put them ashore on the Ylocos coast, on the same island of Luzon, so that the natives would let them take water, and because the friar and the secretary had made a certain compact with them, to surrender, if no harm was done them.The Chinese, assured that no other longtime Christians were alive, commenced to cry out and rejoice loudly at having committed that deed, saying now they had no one to fear.

The Spaniards, who were in other boats, near the land, although they saw the lights, and indistinctly heard the noise from the flagship, supposed that it was some unexpected work connected with the galley, or something of that sort.When they learned what was happening, after a long interval, from those who escaped by swimming, they could not remedy it and consequently remained quiet.They were but few, and of inadequate force, and their enterprise was ruined.They waited until the morning, and when it dawned they saw that the galley had already set its bastard, [286] and was sailing toward China with the wind astern, and they could not follow it.It made its voyage, as the wind served it, along all the coast of the island, until they cleared Luzon, the Sangleys continuing to celebrate their victory.[287]….

[The secretary and friar, after suffering great tortures of mind from the Chinese, who threatened often to kill them, are saved at last, through the superstition of the Chinese, and left ashore on the Ilocos coast.The Chinese show their cowardice in a conflict with the natives on that coast, whither they return later "to sacrifice to the demon" one of their Christian Filipino prisoners.Being unable to reach China, they land at Cochinchina, "where the king of Tunquin seizes their cargo, and two large pieces of artillery embarked for the expedition to Maluco, the royal standard, and all the jewels, ornaments, and money.He let the galley drift ashore."The news causes great lamentation in Manila."Some of those who hated the governor rejoiced, but their wrath immediately vanished and they wept generally."Subsequent events follow:]

…The news having been learned in Manila, and no papers of the governor being found, appointing his successor (although it was known that he had a royal decree for this), and believing it had been lost in the galley along with much of his own property, and that of the king and private persons: the city appointed Licentiate Rojas as governor, and he filled the post for forty days.But the secretary, Juan de Cuellar, together with Fray Francisco de Montilla, returning in a wretched plight to Manila, reported that Gomez Perez, before leaving, had left the appointment drawn in favor of his son, Don Luis; and that they would find it in a box in the convent of St.Augustine with other papers, in care of Fray Diego Muñoz.Rojas had already sent an order to Cebu for all the men of the expedition to return, which was obeyed.Thereupon Don Luis, having come, by virtue of the authority delegated by his father, although with certain protests, succeeded to that government, until the arrival of Don Francisco Tello.

Such was the end of that cavalier, whose achievements, judged by themselves, have worth, and receive worth also by his zeal in performing them.He did not lack political and military virtues, or prudence in both.But he shut his eyes to examples, and, contrary to their teaching, dared promise himself results, so that he became rash and even confident.But Christian charity excuses all this.

Don Luis, his kindred, and friends, wished to continue the expedition to Maluco, and Father Antonio Fernandez came for that purpose from Tydore; but it was not carried out.The fleet was broken up, which was a signal providence for the Filipinas Islands.For at the beginning of the following year, one thousand five hundred and ninety-four, a considerable number of Chinese vessels, laden with men and arms, but no merchandise as was their wont, came to the islands.The vessels brought seven mandarins, some of the greatest viceroys or governors of their provinces.It was rumored and was proved that when they learned that, as Gomez Perez had undertaken that expedition (on which he had been accompanied by all the Spaniards), they would find the country unarmed, they were of a mind to conquer it or sack it—which would have been very easy for them, had they found it as they expected.The mandarins left their ships twice to visit Don Luis, attended by a great pomp and retinue.He received them kindly, and gave each mandarin a gold necklace.They told him that they had come by order of their king to get the Chinese who were wandering unsettled among those islands without his leave.But this was considered a pretext for the truth, for so many mandarins were unnecessary for it, or so many armed ships and supplies.Those Chinese were the same as those who killed Gomez Perez, men from Chincheo.Accordingly Don Luis, as against a known offender, sent his own cousin, Don Fernando de Castro, in a vessel to recount their treachery to the Chinese king; but the voyage turned out badly, and this effort wholly failed.

At this time Langara, king of Camboxa, requested help earnestly, and asked Don Luis to keep the promise that his father had made him some time before.Consequently, in fulfilment of it, and so that those forces, or some portion of them, should continue in the service of the Church, for which they were prepared as a benefit for Ternate, he determined to aid that king with them.

[A description of Camboxa follows, with observations on its religion, wealth, products, industries, and fauna.The account of the first expedition to that country is as follows:]

Don Luis, with zeal to reduce those nations to the bosom of the Church, and their wealth and kings to the vassalage of the Spanish crown, equipped three vessels.In them he sent Captain Juan Xuarez Gallinato—a native of Tenerife, one of the Canarias Islands—with one hundred and twenty Spaniards, besides some Filipinos.They left Cebù, but a terrible storm immediately overtook them, and separated the boats.Gallinato, borne by the fury of the winds, put in at Maláca, and the other two vessels at Camboxa.They ascended the river, where they learned that the king of Sian had routed him of Camboxa, his neighbor.The latter, with the wretched remnants of his army, fled to the kingdom of the Laos, also a neighboring people, but inhuman.While he was begging charity from those most hard-hearted people, the king of Sian had introduced as king of Camboxa one Prauncar, nicknamed "Boca tuerta el Traydor" [i.e., "Wry-mouth, the Traitor"], brother of the conquered king.This event did not hinder the aid that the Spaniards were bringing, under the name of an embassy.They reached the city of Chordumulo, eighty leguas' distance from the bar.Leaving forty Spaniards in the ships, forty others went to visit the place where the king was residing.They immediately made efforts to visit him, but he refused to be seen that day.However, he ordered a good lodging to be given them and had them told that he would grant them audience in three days.But Diego Veloso and Blas Ruyz—either by their former knowledge of the country, or actuated by later craftiness, proceeding from their interpretation of that suspicious delay—visiting a beautiful Indian woman of the king's house, were secretly told by her that, since she was admitted to and even desired in the affairs of that usurper, she knew that he was intending to have them all killed.In the three days that he had assigned them, as a rest from their journey, he was preparing men, and the manner of executing his purpose.The Spaniards thanked her for the warning, not without promises of reward.They were not dismayed at the news of their peril.On the contrary, thanking the Indian woman anew for it, they took an heroic although rash decision.They agreed to invest the king's palace that night, and if necessary, to resist a whole army.They set about the accomplishment of that enterprise, disproportionate to human strength.They set fire to the powder magazine.The townspeople ran up to its aid, or to see the damage.Amid the confusion, the Spaniards entered the palace, and since they knew the royal apartments, they penetrated them, until they encountered the king in person.Having cut to pieces the soldiers of his guard, they killed him also with their daggers.He defended himself and cried out, but when his men arrived with help they found that he had bled to death.The rumor of this deed aroused the guard, and then the city, which has more than thirty thousand inhabitants.These seizing their arms, more than fifteen thousand men pursued the Spaniards with the arms that fury placed in their hands, and with many armed elephants, which were not unskilled in warfare.Our two captains formed their squadron, and continued to retire in excellent order, always fighting, and killing not a few enemies.The battle lasted all night, and until the second day, when they reached the ships with incredible effort.They embarked and left that kingdom full of new dissensions.The second day after, Gallinato arrived in his ship.He landed, upon hearing of the event, as he thought that he would not be fulfilling his duty if, when he heard the drums and bells, and saw the streets and port, before filled with traders, but now with squadrons, he did not take help to the Spaniards.He gave express orders to his followers to act with all decorum, so that they might relieve the anxiety of the Cambodians and reassure them, both by their bearing and in the calmness of their arguments.The chief men of Camboxa visited them peacefully, and Gallinato treated them very courteously.He might have performed some great exploit, but seeing that he had so few troops for the undertaking, and that affairs had now taken another form and different condition, he determined to withdraw.He opposed the majority of those influential men, who promised him the crown of the kingdom, since they were well inclined to the Spaniards and to foreign domination.From this came that flippant report that Gallinato was king of Camboxa, which was believed by many in España; and it was represented in the theaters of that country with acclaim and applause.Some men well versed in affairs of those provinces were of opinion that if Gallinato had embraced the opportunity, he might have seized Camboxa and added it to the Spanish crown.I have seen letters from Velloso and Blas Ruiz to the Audiencia of Manila after the event, in which they say the same, and complain of Gallinato for reprimanding what they did.But Gallinato—whose prudence and valor, which had been proved on the most perilous occasions in that Eastern land, and many years before in the wars of Flandes, would not allow him to be easily affected by popular applause—showing an honorable aversion to this temptation, sailed away, to return to Manila.He took in provisions at Cauchinchina.Blas Ruyz and Diego Veloso had also landed there before, and went alone overland to the kingdom of the Laos, which lies west of Cauchinchina, to find the deposed king Langara, to restore him to his throne.They found that he was already dead, but that his son was living.Upon them telling him that they had killed the usurper, his uncle and enemy, he went immediately to his kingdom with Veloso and Ruyz, accompanied by ten thousand men, whom the king of the Laos gave him, contrary to all expectations.He attacked Camboxa, where Ruyz and Veloso always faithfully accompanied him, both during the war, and afterward in the government.After that the king sent another embassy to Filipinas, asking for men to quiet the rebellions in the kingdom; and he and his vassals promised to receive the faith of Jesus Christ.He also promised a great portion of Camboxa to the Spaniards, so that they might live off its tributes.This embassy reached Manila, just when Don Luis had left the government and handed it over to Don Francisco Tello, which gave occasion to Ternate to establish its tyrannies more firmly.

[A short account of Pedro de Acuña's fortification of Cartagena, in the West Indies, is given, and the consequent withdrawal, without attack, of the Hawkins and Drake fleet despatched in 1595 by Queen Elizabeth.Acuña shows in every way the ability of a good commander.]

But let us return to Assia.The Cambodians still hoped to receive aid from the Filipinas by their usual promise of conversion and vassalage.Don Luis de las Mariñas accepted the expedition, to make it in person and at his own cost.He left Manila with Don Diego Jordan (an Italian), Don Pedro de Figueroa, Pedro Villeatil, and Hernando de los Rios Coronel, Spanish captains—the last named at present a priest, and who had also been in the first war of Camboxa.A furious tempest struck them in the open sea, which lasted three days, with the usual horrors.The shipwreck was pitiful.Two vessels were knocked to pieces, and the sea swallowed up all the men, provisions, and war materials.Of all the soldiers and sailors who shipped aboard the almiranta, only five escaped, by swimming to the Chinese shore.Some soldiers also escaped from the flagship, which was broken by the waves, among whom was Captain Hernando de los Rios.The other vessel reached Camboxa almost destroyed, after heavy storms. It found in the Camboxa River eight Malay junks.The Spaniards, seeing that the junks were carrying certain slaves stolen from the king of Camboxa, whom they were coming to help, inconsiderately grappled with the Malays.The latter, who were carrying many and unusual fire devices, having recourse to these rather than to force and arms, burnt our ship, and then in the fire and smoke killed the majority of the Spaniards.Blas Ruiz and Diego Veloso were not there at that time; but soon afterward they were besieged in their quarters by the popular fury, and barbarously murdered in the country where they were negotiating with the king.Those few Spaniards who could escape went to the kingdom of Sian, and thence to Manila.Heaven permitted that this should be the end of all that preparation made to recover Ternate and the other Malucas.The tyrant there exulted over the news, and attributed the events to his good fortune, interpreting them as an approbation of his cause.Then he confederated anew with our enemies.

Don Francisco Tello, an Andalusian knight, succeeded Gomez Perez in the government of Filipinas.He reached Manila in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-six.He immediately set himself to learn the condition in which his predecessors had left matters, and to provide aid for the garrisons.For, since the emperor of Japon had caused those glorious martyrdoms among the religious of the Order of St.Francis, in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-five, of which news had so lately been received, it was feared that he was going to menace Filipinas.

The inhabitants of the islands [sic] of Mindanao hate our nation as deeply as do the Ternatans, and take arms against us in each and every disturbance, as they did in that last one of Ternate.Consequently Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa made certain agreements with Don Francisco Tello, by virtue of which he made war on the Mindanaos and Ternatans at his own expense.[288] Estevan Rodriguez was so rich that he could undertake that exploit with safety.He lived in Arevalo, a town of the island of Panàz [sic], one of the Filipinas.He set out with some galleys, fragatas, and champans, and one ship, with Spanish soldiers; and more than one thousand five hundred natives from Pintados, as pioneers.He reached the river of Mindanao April twenty, one thousand five hundred and ninety-six, whereupon the natives of the place (who are especially called Mindanaos) on seeing so brave a people, fled along up the river, and abandoned their settlement to the fury of war.The majority of them arrived at the town Buyahen, where Raxamura, king of the Mindanaos, was then living.The latter, because of his youthful age, did not have the government in charge, and everything depended on Silonga, an esteemed soldier and captain.Our men, proceeding up the river, reached Tampacan, five leguas from the above village.Prince Dinguilibót, uncle of Monao, its legitimate lord (also a youth), was governing it.These rulers were, of their own accord, friends to the Spaniards and consequently, on seeing their arms, went out peacefully to meet them, and offered them their help.They told the Spaniards that the enemy—and they were also hostile to the men of Buyahèn—had taken refuge in their fort at that place.Estevan Rodriguez, having heard the news and having complimented those princes, ordered the fleet to weigh anchor and to continue the pursuit for four leguas, always up stream, to Buyahèn.Having arrived, he landed his men on St.Mark's day.Master-of-camp Juan de la Xara led the men, although they landed with but little order, for they had not fought with the Mindanaos, and thought that it would be easy to rout them—as if for that reason, or for any other consideration, one should permit a lack of military discipline.Estevan Rodriguez tried to correct the confusion by his presence, by landing in person.He went clad in armor so strong, that a charge from an esmeril [289] would not pass through it.Only his head was unarmed, but covered with a cap and plumes, while a negro carried his helmet.He was accompanied by five well-armed soldiers.He had not taken more than fifty steps, when an Indian named Ubal suddenly ran out of some dense tufted thickets, and, attacking him with his campilan, cleft open his head.Ubal was the brother of Silonga, and owner of the only cow in all that country.He killed it three days previous to this misfortune, and, inviting his friends to the feast, promised to kill the most distinguished person of the Spaniards in that war.He fulfilled his word, for Estevan Rodriguez fell, from his wound, and died three days afterward, without having answered a single word to the questions asked him, although he declared his answers by signs.The five Spaniards, on seeing their captain wounded—so suddenly that the murderer appeared and the blow was heard at the same moment—fell upon Ubal and cut him to pieces.They informed Master-of-camp Xara of the general's death, who, stifling his resentment, withdrew his men, and built a fort in the most suitable place, near the river.He founded there his colony, with suitable arrangements, so that our people could settle it.He appointed regidors and ministers of justice, and called it Nueva Murcia in honor of the Murcia of España, his native region.Then he left affairs incomplete, intending to marry the widow of Estevan Rodriguez, Doña Ana de Oseguera; and reached Filipinas in the first part of June.Governor Don Francisco Tello, hearing of the event at El Embocadero, [290] one hundred leguas from Manila, and having been warned of Xara's design in coming, arrested him at his arrival, and sent Captain Toribio de Miranda to take charge of the war in Mindanao.The latter found the troops withdrawn to the port of La Caldera, which is on the same island, but distant thirty-six leguas from the mouth of the river.There they remained until August, when Don Francisco Tello appointed Don Juan Ronquillo in Manila as captain; he was also captain of the galleys.He also appointed as captains, to accompany him, Pedro Arceo, Covarrubias and others; as master-of-camp, Diego Chaves Cañizares; as sargento-mayor, Garcia Guerrero; and as captains of infantry, Christoval Villagra and Cervan Gutierrez.Don Juan arrived with this reënforcement to attack the enemy, and fell upon them so suddenly that, seeing themselves exhausted, they begged help from the king of Ternate—whom the Mindanaos recognize by certain payments which are the same, or almost the same, as tributes.Buizàn, a brother of Silonga, went on that embassy to Ternate, and negotiated so efficaciously that the Ternate king sent seven caracoas with him, six pieces of artillery, two medium-sized pieces, and some falcons, together with six hundred men.These, sailing to the river of Mindanao, tried to ascend as far as Buyahèn by it.But they found at its mouths great obstructions to pass, because in one branch the largest Spanish fort threatened them, and the galleys and other boats; and in the other was a narrow pass, which ran to a point, on which was built a rampart guarded by forty men.From that place to the other side of the river, our men had themselves built a very strong wooden bridge, close to which a galliot plied.The Ternatans, seeing so strong a defense on both sides, resolved to fortify themselves on the chief mouth of the river.They built a small fort, and, together with an equal number of Mindanao soldiers, shut themselves up in it.This news aroused General Ronquillo to dislodge them.He went down to accomplish it with the galleys and other vessels, and one hundred and forty well-armed men.He landed with one hundred and sixteen men, together with Captains Ruy Gomez Arellano, Garcia Guerrero, Christoval Villagra, and Alonso de Palma.He met the enemy at a distance of eighty paces on the bank of the river.The Ternatans and Mindanaos had carefully cleared the front of their fort, but had designedly left a thicket at one side of it, where three hundred Ternatans were ambushed, while the rest were inside the fortress.As both parties saw how few of our men were attacking them, they grew ashamed of their fortress and ambush.Threatening our men insolently, they showed themselves and advanced upon the Spaniards.They found so great opposition from our men that without using any stratagem, or for no other reason beyond natural strength, at the first shock of battle nearly all the Ternatans were killed, and the rest fled.Our men pursued them until they killed them all.The men of Tampaca, who had been neutral until then, in consideration of the dealings of Fortune, and seeing that she had declared in our favor, took up arms for us.Only seventy-seven Ternatans, badly wounded, escaped; and fifty of these were drowned in the river, into which they had thrown themselves in desperation.Only three of the twenty-seven survived, and they informed their king of it.The Spaniards seized the boats, artillery and spoils of she conquered, and became encouraged to continue the war against infidels.

Don Francisco Tello was not neglectful of other similar occurrences.He learned by his spies, and rumor had it, that the emperor of Japon was collecting a large army and preparing many boats for it, and large supplies of arms and food.It was also learned that he was securing himself, by treaty, from the Chinese, of whom the Japanese, because of their natural enmity, live in fear.Hence they inferred that he was equipping himself to make war outside his kingdoms. He had negotiated and concluded alliances with the king of Ternate, and with other neighbors who were hostile to the Spanish crown.From all of those actions there resulted eager conjectures that all that tempest was threatening the Filipinas, and particularly their capital, Manila.The governor prepared his forces, and under pretext of saluting that barbaric emperor with a present, sent Captain Alderete to find out the truth.The ambassador left for Japon in July.At the same time, Don Francisco sent the galleon "San Felipe" to Nueva España with advice of those rumors.Those two vessels, that of Alderete and the "San Felipe," met in Japon, and the natives did not conceive well-disposed intents concerning them.Alderete learned thoroughly the forces and designs of the Japanese, and his efforts were of use in clearing up the apprehensions prevalent in Manila, and preventing unreasonable fears.He brought another splendid present to the governor, and both sides made provision for any possible outcome.

The Audiencia was again established in Manila in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight, for King Filipo was prudently conferring authority on that province.The auditors—Licentiates Zambrano, Mezcoa, [291] and Tellez de Almaçan—and Fiscal Geronymo Salazar y Salcedo, formed it.

[The same year when the Audiencia was reëstablished, Felipe II dies at the Escorial (September 13, 1598) and is succeeded by his son Felipe III.Neglect falls upon Molucca affairs:]

…Now at this time Heaven was hastening the reduction of the Malucas, and the punishment of the persecution of the faithful, although the tyrants acted more insolently.But since the enterprise had to be prepared and executed in the Filipinas Islands, and determined and encouraged in the supreme Council of the Indias, it was advisable for the president and counselors to display some warmth in the cause—which by unhappy circumstances, as one despaired of, no one enlivened; and the papers of discussion and notices belonging to it were forgotten and heaped together….

[Meanwhile the alliance of Ternate with the English continues.Book vi ends with a tale of occurrences in the household of the king of Ternate.]

[The greater part of the seventh book is taken up with the translation or condensation from the Dutch relation of the first voyage of van Nek to the East Indies.A critical resume of Erasmus's description of Holland and its people is given, which allows Argensola, as a churchman and good Catholic, to inveigh against the heresies and many religions of the Dutch.As a consequence of the Dutch expedition, the Ternatans gain new life in their opposition to the Portuguese and Spaniards.Frequent embassies are sent to Manila from the Portuguese and natives at Tidore, requesting aid for the Moluccas—which Francisco Tello was neglecting, as other matters appeared more important.One embassy, in charge of the brother of the king of Tidore, is followed by another in charge of a Portuguese, Marcos Diaz de Febra, who presents a letter from the Tidore ruler to Dr. Morga.The embassy is successful, and in 1602 Diaz returns to Tidore with reënforcements and a promise of an expedition from Manila.In the Philippines themselves, the Chinese are continually congregating in greater numbers, and are rapidly becoming a menace, although the governor is blind to that fact, and claims that they are necessary to the well-being of the community.]

Conquest of the Malucas Islands
Book Eighth

[Molucca affairs are given considerable attention in the administration of Governor Pedro de Acuña.The petitions for aid, sent to the Philippines from those islands, continue.Tello is removed from the governorship, and Acuña sent to take his place.The latter is received in Manila (May, 1602) with great rejoicing, as his merits and reputation are well known.Tello's death occurs in Manila while waiting to give his residencia.Acuña enters into affairs with great energy.The narrative continues (p.270):]

…The new governor was pained at beholding the poverty of the royal chest and treasury, and himself under the obligation of preserving the king's and his own credit.The Malucas formed part of this consideration, for their reduction was a considerable part of his duty.But he reassured himself, believing that he might supply the lack of money by energy.He attended to matters personally, as was his custom, both those in Manila and those in its vicinity.He built galleys and other boats, which were greatly needed for the defense of the sea, which was then infested by pirates and near-by enemies, especially the Mindanaos.He visited then the provinces of Pintados, and attended to the needs of those regions.In one of these visits, besides the storms suffered by his little vessel (which carried only three soldiers), another signal danger overtook him.Twenty-two English vessels, enriched with the booty that they had seized from the islands of that government, tried to attack and capture him.But for lack of a tide they remained stranded, and could not row.Don Pedro saw that they threw overboard more than two thousand of their many Spanish and islander captives in order to lighten themselves.They also threw overboard a beautiful Spanish girl seventeen years old.Later, the Manila fleet went in pursuit of them, and it was able to capture some of the pirates, and they were punished.But that punishment was much less than their cruelty.[292] Don Pedro tried to remove the hindrances to the enterprise that he was meditating; but had to delay for some months what he most wished to hasten, in order to despatch Joloan and Japanese matters.

Chiquiro, the Japanese ambassador, had recently arrived in Manila, bearing a present of the products and industries of those kingdoms, and letters; he also had orders to negotiate for friendship with the governor, and commerce between the Japanese emperor (by name Daifusama) and the Filipinas and Nueva España.The proximity of those provinces, the power of the Japanese kings, their natural dispositions, and other circumstances which experience showed to be worthy of serious consideration, demanded that that commerce be not refused—although, for the same reasons, the opinion was expressed that it was not advisable.But since that barbarian had once espoused that desire, it was not easy to find a means to settle the matter without causing jealousy or anger.Dayfusama requested then that the Spaniards trade in Quanto, a port of one of his own provinces; that they establish friendship, so that the Japanese could go to Nueva España; that the governor send him masters and workmen to build ships for him in Japon, in order to continue that navigation.Dayfusama insisted upon this, having been persuaded by one of our religious of the Order of St.Francis, one Fray Geronymo de Jesus, whom the Japanese king esteemed greatly.This was a serious matter, and in many ways most damaging to the Filipinas.In those islands, the greatest security against those provinces has consisted for many years in the lack of ships and pilots among the Japanese, together with their ignorance of the art of navigation.It has been observed by experts that, whenever that insolent barbarian has shown any intention to arm against Manila, he has been prevented by this obstacle.Consequently to send him workmen and masters to build Spanish vessels for him, would be equivalent to providing him weapons against the Spaniards themselves; and the navigation of the Japanese would be the prelude to the destruction of Filipinas and Nueva España, while long voyages by the Japanese were inadvisable, and moreover contrary to safety.Considering all these reasons, Governor Don Pedro de Acuña ordered the ambassador Chiquiro to be entertained splendidly.He gave him some presents for his king and for himself, and despatched a vessel with another present—a moderate one, so that it might not argue fear, as it would if he took too much.It sailed together with the ship of Dayfusama and his ambassador, both being filled with articles of barter.The letters of Don Pedro contained long compliments at his pleasure in procuring the establishment of greater friendship.But he said that, although he had received full power from King Filipe for things pertaining to the government of Filipinas, that part of the king's embassy touching his request for sailors and the building of Spanish ships he was unable to decide, until he should inform the viceroy of Nueva España; nor could the viceroy decide it without special orders from his Majesty.He promised the Japanese king to write about it for him, and to aid the accomplishment of so just a desire.But he warned him that it would be necessary to wait more than three years for the furtherance and resolution of the matter, because of the distance and accidents of so long voyages.It was ordered that the same Fray Geronymo himself should deliver all this message to Dayfusama.Geronymo de Jesus was written to in secret, instructing and reproving him.He was ordered to tell the Japanese monarch that the governor esteemed his good will exhibited toward the commerce and friendship of the Spaniards, and his own great desire for them.He was to encourage him to keep the peace, which the governor himself would keep without any infringement.But he was ordered subtly to divert the king's mind from similar desires and propositions, and not to facilitate any of them; for although perhaps there were no hidden deceit in the then reigning monarch, or any interest greater than that of friendship, it might cause great harm in times of a less well-intentioned successor, who might abuse the navigation, and turn it against those who taught it to them.The governor promised to send another ship soon to trade.Fray Geronymo was to give the king hopes that some Spanish masters of Spanish boats would sail in it.Dayfusama was to be patient, and should consider how offended he would be, if his servants were to open up any new commerce without consulting him, or without his order.

With this despatch Chiquiro returned to Japon in his ship….

[A storm however overtakes him near Formosa, and his ship is wrecked and he and his men drowned, the event being learned only long after."Daifusama, being persuaded by Fray Geronymo, had granted leave for our religion to be preached in his kingdoms, to build our churches, and for all who wished to profess our religion with public authority."Accordingly the orders send various missionaries to different districts of Japan."Many persuaded Don Pedro not to send away these religious, but, although those persuasions were well founded, and obstacles put in the way of their departure, it was determined to allow them to go….These religious did not find in the provinces proof of the desires that had been told them.Very few Japanese were converted, and fewer were disposed toward it, for the king and tonos [chiefs] …did not love our religion."Don Pedro sends the promised ship to Japan laden with "dye-wood, deerskins, raw silk, and various other articles."Thus Japanese demands are met, and the emperor is satisfied with the diplomatic answer returned to him.Meanwhile "Don Pedro's thought bore on the recovery of the Malucas."Letters pass between him and the Portuguese commander Andrea Furtado de Mendoza in regard to the expedition, and aid from the Philippines, and the hostilities of the Dutch.(The Jesuit brother Gaspar Gomez had been sent by Acuña from Mexico to Spain, to show the necessity and advantages of the expedition; after various delays it was set on foot, and Furtado obtained many successes in Amboina, where he had some encounters with the Dutch.The king of Ternate asked help from Java and Mindanao.)]

The season and necessity compelled General Furtado to request urgently the help that was being prepared in Filipinas.Amboino is eighty leguas from those islands.Accordingly he sent Father Andres Pereyra, a Jesuit, and Captain Antonio Brito Fogaço, in May of the year one thousand six hundred and two.They reached Cebù July twenty-five.They sailed thence for Manila, August six, and entered that city September five.Don Pedro de Acuña rejoiced greatly over their arrival.He asked them—so great was his desire and interest, or rather, his noble rivalry—minutely concerning the expeditions of General Furtado.Since the latter had referred to them in his letters, they gave an extended relation of them, and executed his embassy, each one fulfilling the office that he professed.Don Pedro did not delay the sending [of reënforcements.]He assembled the council of war, where it was resolved to send Furtado the help that he requested, without delay, although they felt obliged to accommodate themselves to the necessities of the country.Following this decision the governor sent a message to the provinces of Pintados ordering captain Juan Xuarez Gallinato, chief of them, to provide all necessaries for the expedition, and himself to sail with his best disciplined infantry from Cebù to the city of Arevalo, the place assigned for assembling the fleet.Gallinato did this, and also sent a vessel to Otón to lade as much as possible of the supplies.It reached Otón October twenty-eight, and the same day Don Pedro left Manila for Pintados, in order, by his presence, to inspire greater haste in the despatch of the fleet, which was already almost ready in Otón.He arrived there November thirteen.So fiery was his spirit that he assembled the reënforcement and entrusted it to Juan Xuarez Gallinato—without allowing the expeditions from Xolo and Mindanao to embarrass him, even though he saw the natives of those islands, divided into different bodies among the Pintados, pillaging and murdering his Majesty's vassals—and appointed him general and commander of that expedition.

[Furtado, after asking the reënforcement from Acuña, goes to the Moluccas.Some of his men are defeated in a naval engagement with the natives, whereupon Furtado builds a fort at the friendly island of Machian.]

After the fleet, military stores and food had been collected, they were delivered to Gallinato by the auditors and fiscal of the Audiencia.The supplies consisted of one thousand fanegas of cleaned rice, three hundred head of cattle, two hundred jars of wine, eighty quintals of nails and bolts, forty quintals of powder, three hundred Ylocos blankets, seven hundred varas of Castilian wool, one hundred sail-needles, and thirty jugs of oil.The men amounted to two hundred soldiers—one hundred and sixty-five arquebusiers and thirty-five musketeers—twenty-two sailors, several pilots, one master, three artillerymen in the "Santa Potenciana," and twenty common seamen.The monthly expense of all that equipment amounted to twenty-two thousand two hundred and sixty pesos.This having been done on the part of the governor and Audiencia, they required Father Andres Pereyra and Captain Brito to go with the reënforcement—which Gallinato had ready, with its colors, and with Captains Christoval Villagrà and Juan Fernandez de Torres.The company of Captain Don Tomas Bravo, the governor's nephew, son of Don Garcia his brother, was left behind; but the captain went, and served bravely on the expedition.The infantry was taken on the ship "Sancta Potenciana," and on the fragatas "Santo Anton," "San Sebastian," "San Buenaventura," and "San Francisco."The fleet left the port of Yloilo January twenty, one thousand six hundred and three, and reached La Caldera in Mindanao the twenty-fifth.They remained there until the twenty-eighth, as they had some information concerning those enemies.Then they sailed toward Maluco, and sighted the island of Siao February seven, and at dawn of the next day that of Taolân, four leguas from Siao.There the fragata "Sant Anton" was wrecked on a shoal of the island, which gave greater anxiety to the fleet.Gallinato made efforts so that the men should not perish.He sent Captain Villagrà, who saved them, as well as the weapons and the pieces of artillery; the rest was left in the sea.They continued their voyage and sighted the island of Ternate February thirteen.On the fourteenth they entered that of Tydore, where they heard of Andres Furtado's arrival.There they rested but little, in order to join him sooner.Sailing thence with a good breeze they reached Ternate, and made harbor at Talangame, one legua from the fortress, on the sixteenth of the same month.The fleets saluted one another with tokens of friendly regard, and the generals did the same….

[The active campaign soon begins, and notwithstanding some few successes in the siege of Ternate by Furtado and Gallinato, sickness, and want of ammunition and provisions, compel the Portuguese commander to withdraw before the superior forces and equipment of the Ternatans.Thereupon Gallinato and his men return to the Philippines via Tidore, while Furtado intends going to Amboina and perhaps to Malaca.About April of this same year the Jesuit brother, Gaspar Gomez, reaches Spain, to argue before the Council of the Indias the necessity of an effective expedition from the Philippines.There it is agreed that Acuña shall undertake one in person.The following year a letter received from Acuña by the council describes the ill-success of Furtado's expedition and the necessity for an effective expedition from the Philippines, a synopsis of the letter being given by our author.]

Conquest of the Malucas Islands
Book Ninth

[The action of the council finally secured the king's assent to the
Molucca expedition, and the following decree was sent to Acuña:]

…Don Pedro de Acuña, my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia therein.On September twenty of the past year, six hundred and three, I wrote you by an advice-boat on which Gaspar Gomez, of the Society of Jesus, took passage for Nueva España, my resolution in regard to what you wrote me from Nueva España, when you went to take charge of that office, about the Ternate expedition.In accordance with that resolution, I have ordered a contingent of five hundred men to be collected in these kingdoms, which are to be conveyed in the trading fleet that sails to Nueva España this year.I wrote to the viceroy to have another five hundred men enlisted so that, at the very least, eight hundred men could be sent you for this enterprise.I have appointed four captains for the contingent from these kingdoms. One of them, namely, Admiral Juan de Esquivel, is to be commander and governor of the said soldiers.I have also appointed six substitutes, practiced and experienced soldiers, so that, in case any of the said captains die, these may take command of the men, and that they may be in charge of the companies to be raised in Nueva España, as I am writing to the viceroy.I have assigned forty ducados per month as pay to the said captains; to Admiral Juan de Esquivel the sum of sixty; and to the substitutes, twenty-five escudos apiece until ahey reach Nueva España.Thenceforward the said Juan de Esquivel, in case I order him to be given the title of master-of-camp, shall enjoy the sum of one hundred and twenty ducados per month; but if he serves with the title of commander and governor of the said soldiers, he shall have sixty.The substitutes shall receive forty; and the soldiers—both those levied in España and those to be raised in Nueva España—shall have the sum of eight ducados per month.I have ordered the viceroy, in accordance with the above, to send to those islands the necessary money to meet the pay of the soldiers for one year.If they are detained longer in other affairs of my service, he shall also furnish what may be necessary after advice from you.I have thought it best to advise you of the above, in order to charge and order you that, if the pay of the soldiers can be moderated, in respect to what is there paid men of that rank, you may reform the schedule justifiably, advising me thereof, and the viceroy of Nueva España.However, you shall make no alteration in the pay of Admiral Juan de Esquivel, or of the captains, alférezes, or substitutes.I have also ordered the viceroy to provide you with whatever may be necessary, up to the amount of the one hundred and twenty thousand ducados that you have asked for this undertaking; also six pieces of artillery for bombardment, and five hundred quintals of arquebus powder.The men sent from here are armed with muskets and arquebuses.You shall be careful in the distribution of this money, and in all the rest you shall exercise the advisable care, system, and caution.You shall endeavor to attain the end sought, as I confidently expect from you, with the men sent from España, and those from Nueva España, together with those whom you shall have collected in those islands for the expedition to Ternate.If possible, you shall make the expedition in person, as you have offered to do, and shall leave those islands provided as it fitting.In case conditions are such that you cannot go in person, on this expedition, then you shall appoint another man of the experience and qualities requisite for it, who may take entire charge of it; and for this I grant you authority.It is my will that, in case of your death while on the expedition, or through any other cause, or the death of the person whom you may appoint for it, Admiral Juan de Esquivel succeed in it and continue it.All the sea and land forces who shall take part in the said expedition, shall obey him as they would yourself.I declare that, in this event, and in case of your death, and the succession of the said Juan de Esquivel to the charge of the expedition, he shall be subject and subordinate to my royal Audiencia in those islands.The captains in whose charge is the infantry raised in these kingdoms, I have selected as worthy men who have served.Accordingly I charge and order you chat you honor and favor them as far as possible, for in that I shall consider myself served.You shall not dismiss them or deprive them of their companies to give these to others, without just cause, unless it be to appoint them to better offices.However, if they should commit crimes you may punish them, as their superior.It is supposed that by the time of the arrival of these soldiers at those islands—and they shall leave Nueva España in the first vessels, after the arrival of the trading fleet there—you will have matters so well in hand that you may begin the expedition immediately.I charge you straitly to do with circumspectness, consideration, and caution what I expect from so gallant a soldier.These men are to be well disciplined and drilled, and everything so ordered that the desired and so important effect may be gained, for you see the risk in this and its expense.You shall endeavor, as I charge you, to have the advisable care and order taken in the efficient distribution and collection of my revenues, and the avoidance of superfluous expense.Of the course of events you shall keep me advised on all occasions.After recovering the fort of Ternate, you shall place there and on the island the garrison necessary for its safety.I have ordered the viceroy of Nueva España, if he has any opportunity for it, to advise you as soon as the men raised here arrive there [i.e., in Nueva España], and that he report clearly to you the contingent enlisted in that country, and that will be raised in any other way, as well as the time that they will leave there, so that you may take the necessary precautions concerning them from those islands.If you consider it advisable for these men to stop anywhere and not to go to Manila, you shall so order it, or give any other orders that you deem most advisable, in anything.Valladolid.June twenty, one thousand six hundred and four.

After the above decree was sent, its dispositions began to be carried out in España.Before this, in the preceding year one thousand six hundred and three, while governor Don Pedro was occupied in the preparations necessary for this purpose [i.e., of the expedition], an accident occurred in Filipinas which threatened their loss and other greater misfortunes.In the month of April a fire broke out in Manila and burnt the richest part and more than half of the city, and it was impossible to keep the goods from burning which had been discharged from the ships recently arrived from Nueva España which were being kept in the most secure of the houses.Two hundred and seventy houses, wood and stone, were burned, and even the monastery of St.Dominic (both house and church), the royal Spanish hospital, and the magazines; and not a single edifice was left standing in the burned area.Fourteen Spaniards were burned, among whom was Licentiate Sanz, canon of the cathedral, together with some Indians and negroes.The loss was estimated at one million….

[The incident of the coming of the three Chinese mandarins and their pretense of looking for an island of gold is described.This with certain rumors, readily believed, leads to the outbreak of feeling against the Chinese or Sangleys resident in Manila and other parts of the island.That same year (1603), the insurrection by them takes active shape.Argensola's account is substantially the same as that of other writers.He traces the insurrection during its rise, and progress, and the retreat of the Sangicys, with the consequent slaughters of those people.The following extracts and synopses are made from his account:]

At the time when Covernor Don Pedro was attending most closely to the war with Maluco, there occurred in Manila a circumstance such that it might not only have suspended the war, but extinguished the entire province.A man was residing in Manila who had remained there when the great pirate Limaon (of whose history popular accounts are current) came against the city.He was formerly an idolater, and, as was reported, served the pirate for a lewd purpose.His name was Encàn, and he was a native of Semygua in the province of Chincheo.He was baptized during Santiago de Vera's term, and took the latter's surname, being called Baptista de Vera.He proved sagacious, industrious, and of efficacious energy, by means of which, exercising his trading, he came to possess great wealth and to have influence with the governors of Filipinas.Through his arrangements the Sangleys negotiated with Don Pedro, asking his consent to finish a parapet of the wall that he was completing, at their own cost; for they, as a portion of the commonwealth, wished to do this service for his Majesty.Each of them offered four reals for the work.This service and the thanks of the citizens, whom Encàn or Baptista had bought by benefits, destroyed or decreased the suspicions conceived against their conspiracy.He was respected by the Spaniards and loved by the Sangleys.He had twice been their governor, and had many adopted sons and dependents….Near the Parián was another district inhabited by Japanese, a race hostile to the Sangleys, with whom they are at constant war in their own country.The governor summoned their headmen, and sounded them by kind methods, as he wished to know how to depend on them on any occasion, and if they would help against the Chinese if war came.The Japanese, puffed up by the confidence that he placed in them, and elated that time would give them an opportunity to fight against their enemy, answered that they were ready to die with the Spaniards.Some trouble arose from this wise effort, and as the Japanese kept the secret badly, or referred to it with exaggeration, it became public that Don Pedro was going to kill the Sangleys with their help.Some of the Japanese told them that, so that the Sangleys could flee and pay them for the warning.Many Sangleys tried to take to the mountains, while all were in fear.Those who wished to revolt were able to persuade the others to do the same, and to quiet the anxious by promises.In fact, the greater portion of them determined to rebel, and assigned St.Francis' day for the beginning of the insurrection, at the hour when the Christians would be busied in their churches, in the holy feast.Some said that the time assigned for it was during the night, when twenty-five thousand of them would enter the city and behead our men.Some indications of it escaped, notwithstanding their secrecy.Juan de Talavera, parish priest of the hamlet of Quiapo, informed the archbishop that an Indian woman, with whom a Sangley was in love, had revealed to him the plot for St.Francis's day….All these advices and some others were learned immediately by the governor and the royal Audiencia.It would be sufficient to see the haste with which the Chinese sold everything, even to their shoes, and adjusted their debts—although this was interpreted rather as a design to go away than one of treason.In order to relieve them from fear of the Spaniards and Japanese, the governor talked to them himself, and had the pledge of safety and the royal faith published anew in all districts.But no effort could quiet them.Three days before that of St.Francis, more than four hundred Anhay merchants remained in the city, because they had been unable to sell their goods.These, upon seeing the others in confusion because of the report that the Spaniards and Japanese were about to kill them, sent their embassy to Don Pedro by one Chicàn, also an Anhay or Chincheo….He came at night, being in fear of the other Chinese.He communicated their fears to the governor and their present uncertainty; and stated that they did not know what resolution to take, and consequently came to him for advice and protection.The governor, after hearing him and having completely assured him with his answer, went next day personally to talk to Chicàn's companions, and satisfied them with affectionate words, saying that the Spanish nation is not accustomed to execute or to consent to such deceits.After this talk they were quieted, but those who had evil intentions were not satisfied….

[At the first outbreak of the insurrection, Encàn is sent to reassure and quiet the Sangleys.He returns very late "telling Don Pedro that he had been in danger of being elected their chief, and that they wished to force him to accept it."In the slaughter of Don Luis Dasmariñas and his men which soon follows, over thirty Spaniards manage to escape.The Japanese aid the Spaniards, while the Sangleys try to induce all their countrymen of the Parian to join them.]

The few Sangleys in the Parián caused the Spaniards no less anxiety than the many in the fort, both because they had them for so near neighbors and as they supposed that if these saw our cause declining, they would join their countrymen.Besides, it was known that the insurgents had sent to ask those in the Parián to join them, and had advised them of the Spaniards whom they had killed.This was declared by a Sangley, who was caught while crossing the river by swimming, by the sentinel of the river-boats.He, confessing, when put to the torture, that he was a spy, and that he gave and carried messages, was beheaded.On the other side, it was considered that although it would lessen the anxiety to kill all the Sangleys or to attempt it, it did not appear a just punishment toward people of whose crime they were uncertain—much more so, since they had come to Filipinas to conduct their trading in good faith, and the governor had given them his word for their safety if they were quiet and did not mix in the rebellion….

[It is finally resolved to induce the peaceful Sangleys to take refuge in the Augustinian convent.However, they refuse to take advantage of the offer, although some put their goods in safety.Meanwhile the hostile Sangleys attempt to incite them to join their ranks, and on their refusal, turn upon them "and kill more than two hundred."Encàn is found concealed in a house for fear of capture, whereupon he confesses his part in the rebellion.The religious take up arms against the insurgents, notable among them being Fray Antonio Flores, an Augustinian lay-brother, and formerly a soldier: he is credited with having slain six hundred Sangleys in the final slaughter.The Chinese, after driving in an attacking party of five hundred men under Gallinato, assault the walls of the city, but are finally driven back with great slaughter.Their Parián is burned, and they begin their retreat, going to San Pablo and other districts, pursued by the Spaniards and natives, who kill immense crowds of them and disperse the rest.Spaniards, Japanese, and Pampangos are sent out under Sargento-mayor Azcueta, and the insurrection is crushed with terrible slaughter; "for the Japanese and natives are so ferocious that nothing can restrain them."The final result of the last campaign shows that only "slightly more than one hundred [of the Sangleys] survived, who were kept alive for the galleys.Eight natives and six Japanese died on our side in these two battles [i.e., the slaughters of the pursuit].No Spaniard was killed, although many were wounded."Encàn is "hanged and quartered, his head exposed on the site of the Parián, and his goods confiscated; and in the days following, justice gave the same punishment to other guilty Chinese."The insurrection costs the lives of more than twenty-three thousand Chinese and only five hundred are left for the galleys."Some say that the number of Sangleys killed was greater, but in order that the illegality in admitting so many into the country contrary to royal prohibitions might not be seen, the officials concealed or diminished the numbers of those that perished."]

Don Pedro had had some advices of how well affected his Majesty was to the enterprise of Maluco.Awaiting the effects of that decision, he wrote by all the ways possible; and by India, to solicit those who had charge of the matter.Relieved from the hindrance caused by the Sangleys, he turned his mind to the preparation and equipment of the fleet, for the time when he should be ordered to set out.But the end of this war was the beginning of other needs for Manila.Mechanical trades were stopped, and there was no work or provisions.Prices of food increased with their lack.All supplies had been formerly in great abundance, and were obtained through the Sangleys, for the Indian natives lack the willingness and the energy for such work.The cultivation of the land, the care of raising fowls, the weaving of cloth, all of which industries they had exercised in their old days of infidelity, they had forgotten.Especially was the Pariàn or Alcayceria wasted by fire and sword.It was once so full of gain and abundance that Don Pedro wrote to one of his relatives in España, a short time after his arrival at Manila, these following words of it: "This city is remarkable for the size of its buildings, which have surprised me.I shall mention only one, which is the chief one.It has an Alcayceria that contains all kinds of silks and gold, and mechanical trades; and for these things there are more than four hundred shops, and generally more than eight thousand men who trade therein.When the trading fleets come from China with their merchandise, which is the present time of the year, there are always more than thirteen or fourteen thousand men.They bring wonderful things, that are not found in Europa."Besides this, Don Pedro feared that the chastisement inflicted in the slaughter would discourage the intercourse of the Sangleys with us, and that the vessels that were wont to come from China with food would not come.Greater and universal was the fear that in place of trading ships, armed vessels would come to avenge the Sangleys.Don Pedro sent the prior of Manila, Fray Diego de Guevara, to España by way of India, with advices of the deed and of his fears.The incidents that befell him on his voyage in India itself, and in Persia, Turquia, and Italia, forced him to delay three years before he could reach the court, where he found other despatches already arrived.

At the same time Don Pedro sent Captain Marcos de la Cueva, together with Fray Luis Gandullo, a Dominican, to Macao—a city of China, where Portuguese reside—with letters for the commandant and council of that city, advising them of the rebellion of the Sangleys, and of its result, so that they might advise him by all ways, at any rumor of an armed fleet in China.They took letters also for the tutons, haytaos, and inspectors of the provinces of Canton and Chincheo, giving account of the transgression of the Chinese, and how it obliged the Spaniards to inflict so severe a punishment.The ambassadors found the country quiet upon their arrival, although some fugitive Sangleys, fleeing from Manila in champans, had related the disturbances among them.The arrival of those Spanish at Macao was learned in Chincheo.Immediately some of the most wealthy captains who ordinarily go to Manila, whose names were Guansàn, Sinú, and Guachuan, went to see them.Having understood the truth of the matter, they took upon themselves [the delivery of] the message sent to the mandarins by Don Pedro, and the mandarins received it by their means.The Chincheo merchants determined to return to their trade at Filipinas, and left Macao in their vessels with our ambassadors, taking a quantity of powder, saltpeter and lead, with which the public magazines were supplied.In the following May, thirteen Chinese ships made port at Manila, and afterward many others returned thither to continue that commerce.Don Pedro sent to Nueva España the vessels that had brought the relief for the islands.The flagship foundered and not a person or a plank escaped.He did not cease at this time to store the city with provisions and ammunition, in order to find himself free for the expedition to Maluco.At this juncture, Master-of-camp Juan de Esquivel came from Mexico with six hundred soldiers, with the report that more men, money, and other preparations of arms, food, and ammunition were being collected in Nueva España, at the order of his Majesty; these all arrived at Manila in due season.At that time died its great archbishop, Don Miguel de Benavides, to the universal sorrow of the country.

The Chinese ships that returned for the trade bore letters to the governor in reply to his despatch.Three letters of one tenor came from the tuton or viceroy, the haytao, and the inspector-general of the province of Chincheo.Translated by the interpreters into Spanish, they read as follows:

[See this letter in VolXIII, pp.287-291 of this series.]

The governor answered these letters by the same messengers, making use of terms of courtesy and authority.[293] He related the rebellion of the Sangleys from its inception.He justified the defense of the Spaniards, and the punishment inflicted upon the delinquents.He says that no community can govern without punishing those who are evil, any more than by not rewarding the blameless.Consequently he does not repent of what was done, as it was to check him who was trying to destroy us.The inspector should consider what he should do, if any similar case happened in China.What he was sorry for was in not having been able to save any of the Anhays among the Sangley merchants, who perished among the guilty.But it was impossible to prevent that, for the violence of war does not allow some to be killed and others exempted, especially since they were unknown to the soldiers in the heat of war.Employing clemency toward those captured alive, he condemned them to row in the galleys, which is the punishment substituted by the Castilians for those who merit death.However, if they in China thought that the punishment should be lessened, he would give them liberty."But it should be noted," says Don Pedro, "that this might be the cause that, if so serious a crime were unpunished, they would fall into it a second time, a thing that would close all the gates to kindness.The goods of the Chinese killed are in deposit.And in order that it may be seen that I am not moved by any other zeal than that of justice, I shall have these immediately delivered to their heirs, or to those to whom they rightfully pertain.I am not moved to any of these things by any consideration other than that of right.To tell me that if I do not free the prisoners, permission will be given, to the relatives in China of those who were killed in the rebellion, to come with a fleet to Manila, causes no disturbance in my mind; for I consider the Chinese as so sensible a race, that they will not be incited to such things with little foundation and especially since we have; on our side, given them no occasion for it.In case any other resolution is followed, we Spaniards are people who know how to defend our rights, religion, and country very well.And do not let the Chinese consider themselves lords of all the world, as they give out; for we Castilians, who have measured it with palmos, know with exactness the lands of China, where it will be well to know that the king of España has continual wars with kings as powerful as their own [i.e., the Chinese king], and subdues them and inflicts great troubles upon them. It is no new case, when our enemies imagine that we are defeated, to find us desolating and destroying the confines of their lands, and not ceasing until we have hurled them from their thrones and taken away their scepters. I would be very sorry for a change in trade, but I also believe that the Chinese do not wish to lose it, since so great gain accrues from it, and the Chinese take to their kingdom so much of our silver, which is never diminished in amount, in exchange for their merchandise, which is composed of poor articles that are soon worn out." The English ships that reached the coast of China, he was determined not to receive, for they are not Spaniards, but their enemies, and are pirates. Consequently if they came to Manila they would be punished. "Finally, because we Spaniards always justify our causes, and we pride ourselves on the fact that no one in the world can say that we usurp other men's possessions or make war on our friends, all that is herein promised will be fulfilled. And hereafter let those in China understand that we never do anything through fear, or because of the threats of our enemies." Don Pedro concludes by offering to continue the friendship with the kingdoms of China by new bonds of peace, saying that he would release the prisoners in his galleys in due time, although he first intended to make use of them, as he did, in the expedition of Maluco, which would soon be despatched. All this he strictly observed.

Don Pedro received other letters during those same days from the emperor of Japon, in which, after thanking him for a present of grape wine—besides other rich presents—that Don Pedro had sent him, he earnestly requested commerce….

[This letter, of which Argensola presents a mere synopsis, is given complete by Morga, q.v.ante.]

In this same year, one thousand six hundred and four, the islands of Holanda and Zelanda, in pursuance of their custom, assembled a fleet of twelve vessels, large and well equipped, and some smaller ones; and, as if masters of sea and wind, steered their course toward India by the known routes.In a short time they reached the cape of Buena Esperança.All the captains had gone at other times on that voyage, and the pilots esteemed themselves of no less experience.Their general was Estevan Drage, [294] faithless alike to his church and to his king….

[Thence this fleet continues its course along Mosambique, India, and neighboring shores, Java, Sumatra, etc., taking prizes and trading.In February, 1605, they capture Amboina, where they receive the submission of the Portuguese and allow religious freedom.Finally part of the vessels go to the Moluccas, where, with the aid of the king of Ternate, the fort of Tidore is captured—although the Portuguese are warned beforehand of their coming by English vessels (for the Spanish and English kings were then friends), and the English leave powder and shot for its defense.Some Portuguese leave the island, "many going to the Filipinas, where Governor Don Pedro interviewed them in order to learn the condition of affairs at Maluco."The narrative continues:]

One of those who escaped from the fort of Tydore, and reached the town of Arevalo in Filipinas, was Antonio de Silva, a Portuguese. Besides being a soldier he was a naguatato or interpreter. This man gave a judicial account of the matter and added that the English [i.e.Dutch] general, while taking him a prisoner from Amboino, took a sea-chart, and began to look for Mindoro, Manila, and Cabite.Being asked by Silva, for what purpose he was looking for them, he learned that the general intended, in case hit undertaking at Maluco did not succeed well, to try to capture one of the vessels plying between Filipinas and Nueva España.Silva replied to him that it was not time for those vessels to sail, either way; for the first [i.e., those from Nueva España], arrive about May ten, and the others [i.e., those going to Nueva España], sail June ten.Notwithstanding, this was the end or desire of the Dutchman's navigation; for he determined to get information in Mindoro, to depart thence to Macàn, to send an ambassador to China, and to avenge the insult offered by Don Pablos of Portugal in those provinces.Thence he would lade pepper in Patane, then see if he could defeat the Chinese ships at the strait of Sincapura [i.e., Singapore] on their way to Malaca; and at all events, continue along that same route his return to Holanda, laden with wealth. All this did the Dutch general communicate to Antonio de Silva, as to one who would go to Holanda with him; for he was a soldier and a skilled interpreter of both languages, and Estevan Drage made much of him for that reason. Certain others who had fought and escaped the slaughter of Tydore confirmed this news. Don Pedro learned it, and grieved over it, as he was so zealous in the service of the Church and of his king. He considered sorrowfully when he saw that not even one turret of a fortress was left in Maluco to the crown of España, and how securely a rebel to God and to his legitimate sovereign held them. And because the prosperity of Dutch affairs made the Dutch powerful and determined, the governor assembled his council of war, and appointed Captains Antonio Freyle, chief of the fleet of Pintados, Pedro Sevil, Estevan de Alcaçar, and Bernardino Alfonso to go to the garrisons of the Pintados and those of other islands that were in danger, with their infantry companies. He strengthened the ships, and prepared his artillery, as if he were near a victorious enemy who was executing his threats with so great success. Antonio de Silva showed an original letter from another Dutch general, written in the island of Borneo to the king of Ternate, sent by Philipo Bissegóp, a ship captain. In it the general expressed his compliments and sent him a present of a number of varas of different fine cloths from Holanda, six bales containing vessels of musk, twelve flasks of rose water, six arrates [295] of Amfión [296]—a Dutch compound used, as above stated, for fighting, which takes away or disturbs the reason—and six barrels of powder. He gave the king an account of the unfortunate voyage, and the obstacles, storms, and dangers that Andres Furtado had until his arrival at Malaca after leaving Ternate. He called the king "most serene prince and powerful king of Maluco, Bandas, Amboino," and an infinite number of other islands. He congratulated him on the success attained upon his arrival at Maluco. He promised him to go to Ternate with the greater forces that he was awaiting from Holanda, and garrison the forts, in order to extirpate entirely their common enemy, the king of España. He encouraged him by this hope to hold out until then. He assured him that he would overrun all those seas from Maluco, and would extend his empire to China, without any opposition from the Filipinos or Japanese. For this purpose he requested the king [of Borneo] to renew friendship with Mindanao, and to give the king of those islands to understand that he was a friend to the Dutch, and consequently to facilitate the ports, commerce, and friendships that were necessary for their voyages. That was what was advisable above all considerations of the state. He said that he should be warned and assured that nothing was attended to with more lukewarmness in España, than to strive or attempt to preserve the greater part of their provinces, or at least, any form of union. Therefore, all the farthest colonies that recognized their crown, ought to esteem highly the delay with which they help and deliberate from España. For while they are believing, or examining in order to believe, the news of events, affairs are assuming another condition; and hence neither Spanish counsels nor arms arrive in time. The greater part of these things had been taught to his Highness by experience, and the writer's desire to serve him obliged him to write those things to the king. Antonio de Sylva added that he knew with certainty that the king of Ternate had not neglected to take any of the precautions that the Dutchman asked him to take; and that he had even proposed to his men to go to fight far from their islands. Although it was never feared that they would be bold enough to do so, on that occasion Don Pedro was made more anxious by this information, because the city had been left so weakened by the Sangley affair. He was trying, moreover, to supply their lack, so that the late evils might not again happen; for it was so necessary to further by another road the trade of Filipinas, and to provide for its domestic security, in order to be able to take the field.

But time, which is wont both to take away and to give hopes, consoled Don Pedro in those afflictions, and brought him in a few months from Nueva España some ships of private persons, and afterward, in good season, the ships of the regular trading fleet.They reached Manila on St.Matthew's eve.In them were the Spaniards who left España for that undertaking, together with more than two hundred others whom the viceroy of Nueva España, the Marques de Montesclaros, sent to Don Pedro, together with the other military stores and money, in accordance with the royal decree.Some of this came in charge of Brother Gaspar Gomez, who was received with incredible joy.He presented to the governor all his despatches.Care was immediately taken to lodge the captains and soldiers, and assign them quickly to their stations, so that all might believe that the only thing intended with them was the safety of the Filipinas, which were threatened by the emperor of Japon and by the conspiracies of the Sangleys.Corroboration of this report was sent in various directions that it might increase and be disseminated outside the kingdom, in order not to give information to those whom the Spaniards had reason to fear.Besides, although the report of that great preparation was useful to the Spaniards in opinion and in conjectures, yet the actual strength of the forces with which the country was supplied, besides the reputation of our affairs, acted for defense and security in them all.In Japon the knowledge alone that Manila was full of infantry and of armed vessels tempered or dispelled the irritation felt by their king because Don Pedro denied him shipbuilders.The Chincheos also refrained from attempting vengeance on an enemy whose victories were followed by so great succor.Don Pedro considered the whole question, and inferred from every one of these advices that he could absent himself from Manila.However the king of Ternate, as one overjoyed at having escaped from the Spanish yoke, paid little heed to all that was told him from his neighboring kingdoms, for he thought that the Spaniards were never to return to their former possessions.The captains of Holanda, who rebuilt the burned fortress in Tydore, sent him some large bronze cannon, culverins, and a considerable number of muskets; and sent him some engineers from those who came on those ships, so that they might inspect his fortifications and reside in them or in his city.Some accepted that abode, and the loose and irreligious liberty of life permitted in that country.There, by reason of the many trading-posts and fleets from the north, they lived as if they were not outside their own countries, since they had intercourse with their kinsmen and friends, or at least with men of their nation.Exiled Castilians and Portuguese reached the port of Oton in Filipinas daily.Among them was Pablo de Lima, a man of long experience, and now general of artillery in Tydore.He added to the news of the recent destruction, the joy with which the Dutch disinterred the pieces that he had tried to hide, and how they had sent ashore more arms and forces from their ships.This man was received with great honor because of his worth, and because he was one of those dispossessed, by the king of Ternate, of vassals and other property in Tydore.For later events, they profited by his warnings and advice.All, by various employments, although with equal desire, took part in the furtherance of the war—in building ships, and collecting provisions, arms, and ammunition.So great was Don Pedro's vigilance that he was not wanting in the least duty with example and encouragement.Consequently, it may be asserted that he carried on the whole enterprise; for he lent a hand in the labors of all.

Conquest of the Malucas islands
Book Tenth

In human actions the moral doctrine is hidden; and judicious writers are wont to deduce this from the relation of events, as the fruit of their history.But in writing of the conquest and conservation of barbarous lands (which is founded on navigations and garrisons), what civil precepts of those who establish and compose the political life—however sagacious statecraft may have made them—can we bring to the reader's view?And what can be offered in this matter that the reader could not infer as a necessary consequence, contained in the preceding propositions?Since, then, the subject forbids us this role, let us finish it, and redeem the promise by which we bound ourselves at the beginning.Don Pedro de Acuña, now general of the fleet which was assembled in Filipinas, attended at the same time to its despatch and to the safety of the province, which he was about to abandon to go personally upon so stubborn an undertaking.Some attribute the loss of all the Malucas to Don Pedro's good fortune, so that, time offering him greater material, the victory might be more glorious.He provided very diligently what was needed for the war and for almost all the casualties thereof.The point or promontory of Yloilo extends into the sea not far from Arevalo in the island of Panay.It is spacious enough to serve as a camping-place and suitable for those arms then prepared.There the fleet was assembled.It consisted of five large ships, and six galleys; three galliots, like galizabras, belonging to the crown of Portugal—in one of which Pedro Alvarez de Abreo, commandant of the fort of Tydore, embarked, while the other two were in charge of Juan Rodriguez Camelo, a commandant sent from Malaca by General Andres Furtado de Mendoça, to aid with his prudence and his strength, and to carry to him information of the outcome; one flat galliot for unloading artillery, which carried three hundred baskets of rice; four vessels [297] built for transporting the provisions; two ten-ton champans, carrying one thousand six hundred baskets of clean rice; two English lanchas, in which the Portuguese went [to Manila] after the loss of the Tydore fort; seven fragatas belonging to his Majesty, and seven belonging to individuals; and as many other champans—in all thirty-six sail.Master-of-camp Juan de Esquivel took twelve companies of Spanish infantry, of which four were levied in Andaluzia—namely, his own, that of Captain Pablo Garrucho, that of Pedro Sevil, that of Lucas de Vergara Gaviria; and six in Nueva España, namely, that of Don Rodrigo de Mendoça (this gentleman is the son of Don Juan de Baeça y Castilla and of Doña Maria de Mendoça, and on the latter side grandson to the marques de Montesclaros; and left Italia to serve his Majesty in Filipinas, at the request of the viceroy of Nueva España, his kinsman), the company of Captain Pascual de Alarcon Pacheco, that of Martin de Esquivel, that of Bernardino Alfonso, that of Pedro Delgado, and that of Estevan de Alcaçar.The other two, under Captains Juan Guerra de Cervantes and Christoval de Villagrâ, were from the camp of Manila and the province of Pintados.All of these with their officers amounted to one thousand four hundred and twenty-three Spaniards.Under Master-of-camp Don Guillermo and Captains Don Francisco Palaot, Don Juan Lit, Don Luys, and Don Agustin Lont were three hundred and forty-four Pampanga and Tagál Indians; while there were also six hundred and twenty men from the same tribes for the naval and military service, and six hundred and forty-nine rowers.The entire fleet, exclusive of the household and following of the general, amounted to three thousand and ninety-five men; they had seventy-five pieces of various kinds of artillery, and all the materials for navigating, disembarking, and fighting, and for bombarding walls.

Don Pedro left the port of Yloilo with this armament January five, one thousand six hundred and six, in doubtful weather, but as courageous as ever. He reached the island of Mindanao, hostile to the Spanish name and allied with the Ternatans, and anchored in the port of La Caldera to take in water. There the flagship, called "Jesus Maria," in which Master-of-camp Esquivel was sailing, began to drag the anchors with which it was moored—an action which the sailors name by the peculiar word garrar [298]—and, in order to save itself, had to set sail. But finding that it could not double a point in this way, it fired two shots as a call for help, just when the rudder struck. The galleys hastened to give it a tow, but some cables were snapped atwain; and their efforts were in vain, for the sea and winds prevented the work. Captain Villagrà was given charge of the rescue of the men and provisions aboard the flagship. Although many possessions of the king and of private persons were lost, by incredible effort he saved the bulk of the provisions and of the clothing, and all the men, artillery, powder, cables, rigging, and sails. In order that the Mindanaos might not enjoy the spoils of the shipwreck, he set fire to the hull, after taking out the nails and bolts. They felt this first misfortune because of its very importance, and because the soldiers, a class often given to foolish superstitions, interpreted it in a sinister manner. The general's prudence calmed everything. He ordered the master-of-camp to proceed with the fleet from La Caldera to the port of Talangame, which, as we have said, is situated in the island of Ternate. Don Pedro accompanied him with his galleys until they got outside the strait of Sambuanga, a place dangerous because of its currents and reefs. For that reason they towed the ships, until this danger was past, and because of a calm that overtook them. The fleet took the open sea. The galleys, in order to take in water enough to last until reaching Ternate, coasted along gradually; for the men rescued from the submerged flagship were distributed in them and in the other boats, and their weight and peril was greater. The most skilful pilots of those seas managed the galleys, but notwithstanding their care and that of the captains and experienced sailors, they fell off their course and reached the islands of the Celebes or of Mateo, more than sixty leguas to the leeward of Ternate. Contrary winds were blowing, and they had to correct their mistake by dint of rowing. In that manner, and with great difficulty, they reached Ternate March twenty-six, on Easter day. With their observance of that day, so propitious to all creation, they forgot their past dangers, and changed them into joy and hope.

[Don Pedro finds the rest of his fleet at Tidore instead of at Ternate, as he has expected; but sees at the latter place a Dutch ship, which shows fight.However, leaving the ship for the present, Acuña sets about the reduction of Ternate with his own forces and those of the king of Tidore.Landing at Ternate April first, that fort is approached in two divisions, meeting with no opposition until they arrive near the walls.Gallinato's advice as to placing the soldiers is followed, and the Ternatan scouts in trees are replaced by those of the besiegers.Active operations begin, and after various minor successes the wall is carried by assault, and the old fortress built by the Portuguese is captured.On entering the city the soldiers fall to looting.]

When the men entered the city, every one gave himself to his fury and to plundering.Don Pedro had issued a proclamation, conceding that all the enemy captured within those four days should become slaves.The captains halted near the old church of San Pablo, which had been fortified by the enemy for this war.There were various opinions as to what course was to be followed.Some thought that they should attend to preserving what was gained; others that they should go ahead to gain the chief fortress.Captains Vergara and Villagrà were of the latter opinion; and so great was the exuberance of the soldiers and their desire for danger that one of them, a native of Estremadura, of the company of Captain Sevil—who was an Arragonese, and a gallant fighter, who also approved the advice to pass on—seized Captain Villagrà in his arms, and carried him thus for more than ten paces, exclaiming, "O good captain, attack the enemy, attack him!"and then set him down.Thereupon the captain struck him with the flat of his sword, because he had at such a time seized him so impudently.The soldier bowed, and said gracefully and smilingly, "Give me another, by God![cuerpo de Dios] and attack them!"In fact Vergara and Villagrà attacked the principal fortress with few men and gained it, and were the first to enter its gates.However they were not the first to go up, for while they were ascending very quickly by the stairs, at the entrance of the hall an old soldier, named Barela, a corporal to Captain Cervantes, hurried past them.He, on entering, took a gilded water-jar, shaped like an urn and very skilfully chased, from a rich side board and salver placed in the hall, saying to the captains, "Gentlemen, I take this in token that I entered here with your Graces."Accordingly he took it, with the consent of all.Then the entire palace was given over to the pillage of the soldiers, and exposed to their greed.Don Pedro tried to restrain them, but was obeyed only near the end of the sack.

[The king of Ternate and a few of his kinsmen, together with the Dutch, escape, the former going to the island of Gilolo.The reduction of the lesser forts continues, and some of the king's relatives who are well affected to the Spanish, offer to induce the king to surrender.This he does after a formal safe-conduct has been given by Acuña.Don Pedro receives him in a manner befitting his rank, and houses him sumptuously, but at the same time keeps him carefully guarded.Several days later a treaty is made with the king.]

Two days after, the governor ordered Master-of-camp Gallinato and Captain Villagrà, together with Pablo de Lima, to confer with the captive king concerning what agreement it was advisable to make with him in his Majesty's name for the security and solidity of matters.They were to persuade him that that was the way to attain merit and oblige our king to make better conditions in his favor.The three came, accompanied by other influential persons, among whom were some Augustinian, Dominican, and Jesuit religious, all of whom served in their ministry praiseworthily.The king did not refuse to capitulate.After some discussion as to what form it should take, through the medium of Pablo de Lima, and after conceding to the king some things that he requested from the king, our sovereign, they wrote and signed the following agreements:

The first thing demanded from King Cachil Sultan Zayde, of Ternate, and from the rest imprisoned with his Highness who may have any part in it, is that he is to deliver to his Majesty King Filipo, our sovereign, the forts that he now possesses—namely, those of Xilolo, Sabubù, Gamocanora, Tacome, those of Maquien, those of Sula, and the others.He answers to this that he will deliver to his Majesty the forts above declared, and that he will send the prince his son, and Cachil Amuxa, his cousin, with the person or persons who shall go to take possession of them; and that they shall be delivered up with all the artillery, ammunition, muskets, and arquebuses contained in them.

The second.That he shall make restitution of all the captives that he holds, who may be our subjects, whether Christians or infidels, from the provinces of Pintados and from the other provinces subject to the Spaniards in the Filipinas Islands.He answered that all that are found at present shall be delivered up immediately, and that those who do not appear now shall be delivered up as they shall be found later.

The third.That he shall deliver up the Dutch in his power.He replied that when he left this fort of Ternate, thirteen or fourteen Dutchmen with him took to flight, and he thought that they went to the Dutch vessel, for he has not seen them.However, if they appear, he will deliver them up immediately.

The fourth.He shall deliver up the Spanish renegades who were in this fort of Ternate.He answered that there was only one there, and that he fled like the others the day the fort was taken, and he does not know where he is, but that he shall be sought and delivered up.

The fifth.That he shall also deliver up all the villages in the island of Batochina or El Moro, which were formerly Christian; as well as the islands of Marotay, and Herrao, which were also Christian, with all the artillery and ammunition in them.He answered that he is ready to deliver up everything, as he did with his person.

Don Pedro de Acuña, governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, president of the royal Audiencia resident therein, and general of this Maluco fleet, entrusted these capitulations to General Juan Xuarez Gallinato and captain Christoval de Villagra.They made them in the form above declared, with the help of Pablo de Lima, a Portuguese native of these islands, who was the interpreter of the [Moro] language.The said king affixed his signature, according to his custom.It was done in the fort of Ternate April ten, one thousand six hundred and six.The said general and captain, and the said Pablo de Lima, also signed it.

The king signed it in Persian characters with graceful curves, and the Spaniards simply.This original agreement was brought to España with the other authentic documents.

[Possession is formally taken of the newly-subdued and of the reconquered territory in the name of the king of Spain; and after consultation it is determined to take the king of Ternate to Manila, leaving governors appointed to carry on his government.All swear homage to the Spanish monarch, and promise not to admit the Dutch or other foreigners to their clove trade, and not to prevent missionary work.Acuña orders a new fort to be built at Tidore, remits a third part of the tribute to be paid by the Ternatans, and, after strengthening the fort at Terate, leaves Juan de Esquivel there with six hundred men, boats, ammunition, and supplies, to act as governor of all the Moluccas, while he returns to Manila with his prisoners.Trouble begins immediately, and Esquival is kept busy with expeditions to the various islands and forts, while the Dutch again begin their machinations; and sickness fights powerfully against the Spaniards.At Mindanao, a conspiracy to escape is discovered among the prisoners, for Mindanao is friendly to the Ternatans.The narrative continues:]

In all the time that we have described, no news of our victory reached Filipinas.From this silence and suspense they argued in those regions, and especially in Manila, that Don Pedro and his fleet had perished, or that he had succeeded so poorly that general sorrow would be caused.Never was virtue free from envious ones who pursue it, and such were not wanting to Don Pedro in Manila.But although these were well known [some words misprinted in text]—so that popular suspicion makes them the authors of the poison from which it was believed that that great knight died, twenty-two days after his arrival—we ahall suppress their names; since it is unworthy of the author, who has to maintain neutrality (and indifference, in fact) to give strength to a rumor which even yet is based only upon a suspicion.All are now dead, and judged before the tribunal where not one thought passes without examination.These men, then, spread the rumor that Don Pedro, having assaulted Ternate, entered it easily; but that his men became so embarrassed in the midst of their great plundering that the barbarians, having reflected, attacked the Spaniards and made them retreat, after killing the majority of them.They said that the general, ashamed of his lack of discipline, did not dare return to Manila.When that report reached the Indians' ears, it did so great harm that they began to rebel, especially in the provinces of Camarines and Pintados.The friars who were already attending to their instruction could do nothing with them, for they asked, since the Malucans were victorious, why they should remain subject to the Spaniards, who did not defend them from the Moros.They said that the latter would, with Ternate's protection, plunder them daily, and worse thenceforward.They did not stop at mere murmurs, for they began to confer concerning them, and to talk of executing their plans.But all vanished before the truth and the news of it, which preceded the arrival of the conquerors…..

[The conquerors are given a triumphant reception, and the captives are cheered with hopes of an early release by a decree from Spain, and lodged comfortably.The king of Ternate has a letter written to the Spanish monarch, in which he entreats his clemency.Argensola ends with the reflection that "the Malucos being, then, reduced, our ministers and preachers went thither, and the voice of the evangelist began to be heard in the remotest confines of the land."]