Conspiracy Against the Spaniards

Testimony in certain investigations made by Doctor Santiago de Vera, president of the Philipinas

In the city of Manila, on the twentieth of May in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine. Doctor Santiago de Vera, of the Council of the king, our lord, and his governor and captain-general in these Philipinas Islands, stated that inasmuch as it is proper and necessary to inform the king our sovereign of the compact and conspiracy which the Indian chiefs and natives of these islands and the vicinity of Manila had plotted against the service of God, our Lord, and against his Majesty, and of the inquiry and investigations made thus far in order to ascertain and verify the facts, and the status of the case: he therefore would order, and he did order, Estevan de Marquina, notary-public of Manila—before whom most of the trial has been conducted, of which an account has already been given three times to the royal Audiencia—to draw up an attested record of the said trial in a summary and relation, or such documents as shall be necessary, in order to send them to the royal Council of the Indias this present year. He also ordered him to inform his Majesty of what is occurring, and of what has Page 87been done about the matter. This was what Doctor Santiago de Vera declared, ordered, and signed.

By order of his Lordship:

Thomas Perez

In fulfilment of the command and decree of Doctor Santiago de Vera, governor and captain-general of these islands, and president of the royal Audiencia, I, Estevan de Marquina, notary-public for the king our sovereign, of the number [authorized] in the city of Manila, testify that a trial and criminal process has been conducted and is still pending before the said governor and captain-general. The parties are the royal department of justice of the one part, and certain Indian chiefs, natives of the villages of Tondo, Misilo, Bulacan, and other villages in the neighborhood of Manila, of the other part. The cause of this contention seems to be that on the twenty-sixth of October of last year, one thousand five hundred and eighty-eight, Doctor Santiago de Vera, governor and captain-general of these islands, and president of the royal Audiencia, learned that the following persons: Don Agustin de Legaspi, one of the chiefs of this land; Martin Panga, governor of the village of Tondo, and his first cousin; Magat Salamat, the son of the old lord of this land; and other chiefs, had not long ago sent a present of weapons and other articles to the king of Burney, and that they were quite intent upon holding meetings and their usual drunken feasts, swearing to keep secret whatever they discussed. He also learned that they had sold and were selling their landed property. In order to ascertain what the condition of affairs is, the governor made an inquiry and many Page 88witnesses were summoned. From this inquiry and other investigations and inquests made in the course of the trials, it appears that the said Don Agustin de Legaspi and Magat Salamat had sent a quantity of shields, arquebuses, and other weapons to Xapon and to the petty king of Burney, who has thus been enabled to put himself on a war-footing. They warned these powers to fortify themselves in their strongholds, because the Spaniards intended to go there. They added that the said Don Agustin would notify them in person of what was taking place; and that, for this purpose, he would ask permission to set out on his commercial enterprises. Likewise we learned that the people of the kingdom of Burney were thinking of manning a fleet for the purpose of attacking the Spaniards; and that they had killed a Franciscan friar and other Spaniards while on their way to Malaca from Manila with messages and despatches for the king, our sovereign. It appears that on the fourth of November of the said year, when the inquiry had not gone further than this, Captain Pedro Sarmiento arrived in this city from the Calamianes, which are islands near Burney; and brought the news and information that he had left behind in the said Calamianes three Indian chiefs of Tondo, namely, Magat Salamat, Don Agustin Manuguit, son of Don Phelipe Salalila, and Don Joan Banal, brother-in-law of the said Magat. Through Don Antonio Surabao, his servant and chief of his encomienda, he had learned that these men were going as ambassadors to the petty king of Burney, in order to induce him to send a fleet to attack the Spaniards, and to join the chiefs of Jolo, and Sumaelob, chief of Cuyo, who had already come to terms and offered to Page 89help them with two thousand men. They had persuaded the said Don Antonio Surabao to accompany them and carry out their plans; but the latter while on the one hand he promised to help them, in order not to arouse their suspicion, on the other hand unfolded the plan to Captain Sarmiento. He added, moreover, that Amarlangagui, chief of Baibai, who was within the jurisdiction of Manila and held the office of master-of-artillery, had told him, while in this city, that all the chiefs of this neighborhood had plotted and conspired with the Borneans to rebel against the service of the king our sovereign, and to kill the Spaniards of this city, while they were off their guard. The plan was that when the fleet of Burney reached the port of Cavite, and the Spaniards trustfully called these chiefs to their aid, they would all immediately enter the houses of the Spaniards with their men, fortify themselves in them and thus take possession of them one by one. If the Spaniards took refuge in the fortress, Indian soldiers would follow them; and, being two to one, they would surely kill the Spaniards. Maluco offered an example of this; for with but few people they had taken so large a fortress from the Portuguese. To this end the people of Burney were building seven galleys and other warships, and were getting ready ammunition and war-material. Thus it is affirmed by the said Don Antonio Surabao himself, who says that, under the pledge of friendship and secrecy, he was made acquainted with all this, and was persuaded to join the said conspiracy. Upon this, with the governor's approval, soldiers and attendants were immediately despatched with his orders to arrest the said chiefs, and to bring them to this city as quickly as Page 90possible. From the inquiry and secret investigations which were taken up anew, it appears that last year, five hundred and eighty-seven, when Captain Don Joan Gayo and many Japanese with merchandise arrived at this city in a ship from Xapon, Don Agustin de Legaspi became very friendly to him, inviting him many times to eat and drink at his house which is on the other side of the river of this city. The agreement and stipulation which he made with Don Joan Gayo through the Japanese interpreter, Dionisio Fernandez, and in the presence of the said Magat Salamat, Don Agustin Manuguit, Don Phelipe Salalila, his father, and Don Geronimo Bassi, Don Agustin de Legaspi's brother, was, that the said captain should come to this city with soldiers from Xapon, and enter it under pretext of peace and commerce, bringing in his ship flags for the use of the Spaniards, so that the latter should think his intentions peaceful. It was also agreed that the chiefs of the neighborhood would help them to kill the Spaniards, and would supply the provisions and everything necessary. The said Don Agustin de Legaspi was to set out to meet them; and, in order that they might recognize one another, he would carry some of the weapons which the said captain had given him. After they had conquered the Spaniards, they would make him [Don Agustin] king of the land, and collect the tribute from the natives, which would be divided between Don Agustin and the Japanese. They swore this after their fashion, by anointing their necks with a broken egg. Don Agustin de Legaspi discussed and arranged the whole plan with Amaghicon, an Indian chief of Navotas, warned him to keep the secret, and gave him some of the weapons Page 91which the Japanese had given him, in order that they might recognize one another. According to the declarations of Dionisio Fernandez, the Japanese interpreter, Don Phelipe Salalila, Don Geronimo Basi, Magat Salamat, and other witnesses who were present at the said meetings and compacts, and as it appears also from the trial and investigations, it seems that when Don Martin Panga, under the charge of adultery, Don Agustin de Legaspi, for accounts demanded of him at the time when he was governor of Tondo, Don Gabriel Tuambaçan, Don Francisco Acta, his son, and Pitongatan were taken to the prison of this court, each and every one of them swore, after their fashion, to help one another with their persons and property in all matters—be it concerning the liberty of their slaves, or in any other difficulty.

Likewise it appears that after they left the said prison, the said Don Martin Panga was exiled from the village of Tondo for a certain period, and went to live in the village of Tambobo, not far from this city. There he and Don Agustin de Legaspi invited the other leaders to come together for a secret meeting. Under pretext of visiting said Don Martin Panga, a meeting was held in the said village by Don Phelipe Salalila, Don Agustin Manuguit; Magat Salamat, chief of Tondo; Don Pedro Bolingui, chief of Pandaca; Don Geronimo Basi and Don Grabiel Tuam Basar, Don Agustin's brothers; Don Luis Amanicalao and Calao his son; the brothers Don Dionisio Capolo and Don Phelipe Salonga; Don Phelipe Amarlangagui, chief of Catangalan; Don Francisco Acta and Amaghicon; with other Indian timaguas, servants, and allies of his. For three days they Page 92met, and drank after their fashion. During this time they resolved to act in harmony and with one mind in everything. If their slaves demanded liberty, they were to help one another against them; for already they were not regarded or obeyed as before. They possessed neither slaves nor gold, and found themselves poor and cast down, ready to go to prison any day. Their sorrow was very keen because their wives were being taken away from them, and given to others to whom, they claimed, they had been first married. For all these reasons they were very sad, and they discussed and plotted, and took oath, according to their custom, that if an enemy came to Manila to attack the Spaniards, they would unanimously and with one mind aid the enemy against the Spaniards. Thus they would once more become masters, as they had been before, and exercise the old tyranny over the common people—who now were much favored by the Spaniards, being promoted to superior places by them. The said Don Agustin de Legaspi proposed to them the plan and compact which he had made with the said Japanese Don Joan Payo [Gayo]; and the other chiefs declared that they were ready to help him and to accede to his wishes.

After this, it appears that in the month of February, one thousand five hundred and eighty-eight, when we heard of the English pirate who passed through these islands and plundered the ship “Santana,” the said chiefs made preparations, thinking he would come to this city, to carry out their plan.

A few days afterward, Don Estevan Taes, chief of Bulacan, came to the village of Tondo where they were. He conferred with Don Martin Panga; and they decided that since the Englishman had not come, Page 93and the compact made at the meeting of Tambobo had not been carried out, they should call another meeting to discuss what had been planned at the former one.To this end, he offered to notify and call together all the chiefs from his village as far as Tondo, while Don Martin Panga was to summon the other chiefs as far as Cavite.To this end, the said Don Martin Panga said that he would carry a letter to the governors of Malolos and Guiguinto, and tell them to hasten to the meeting; and that, when they were assembled, he could communicate to them the bad or the good which he kept within his breast.After Don Esteban Tael [sic] had told him to leave the matter in his hands, Don Martin Panga declared, in the presence of Pitongatan, that he and Don Agustin had planned to call together the men of La Laguna and Comitan; and that, when the people were all gathered, they would discuss the means of regaining the freedom and lordship which their fathers had enjoyed before them; and, with all the people collected at Tondo, would attack Manila, as arranged with Balaya, chief of Vangos, and with the natives of Batan. It seems that the said meeting did not take place, on account of various occupations which detained the said chiefs. Moreover it appears that about the same time, when certain Indian chiefs of Panpanga came to Manila on business connected with their province, on passing through the village of Tondo, Don Agustin Panga summoned them; and he, together with Don Agustin de Legaspi, Sagat Malagat, and Amanicalao, talked with them, and inquired after the business that took them to Manila. The chiefs answered that they came to entreat the governor to command the cessation of the lawsuits Page 94concerning slaves in Panpanga, until they could gather in the harvest. Don Martin said that this was very good, and that they also wished to make the same entreaty and to bring their slaves to court; but that to attain this it would be best to assemble and choose a leader from among them, whom they should swear to obey in everything as a king, in order that none should act alone. The chiefs of Panpanga said that they had [no] war with the Spaniards, to cause them to plot against the latter, and that they had a good king. Thus they did not consent to what was asked from them by the aforesaid chiefs, and proceeded to Manila in order to transact their business. In Manila they were again invited to go to Tondo, to take food with the plotters; but the Panpanga chiefs refused. On the same day a meeting was held in Tondo by Don Agustin de Legaspi and Don Martin Panga; Don Luis Balaya, chief of Bangos; Agustin Lea and Alonso Digma, his nephews; Don Phelipe Salalila and Don Agustin Manuguit, his son; Don Luis Amanicalao, and Calao, his son; Don Grabiel Tuambacar, Don Francisco Acta, Don Phelipe Salonga, and other natives who rendered service. While they were thus assembled, they all resolved and agreed, amid the usual drinking, that the abovementioned Magat should go to the Calamianes and from that place notify the Borneans to come to Manila to attack the Spaniards; and the chiefs would wait for them here, and would take care to receive and help them. In fulfilment of this, the said chief Magat Salamat went to the Calamianes, which are near the kingdom of Burney, taking with him the chiefs Don Agustin Manuguit and Don Joan Banal. Thence he went to the island of Cuyo, where it seems Page 95that he discussed the matter with Sumaelob, chief of the said island, and persuaded him to come with the Borneans to plunder Manila. At that time he was arrested for this trial, was brought to this city, and openly confessed that what has been said actually occurred.

The said inquiries and investigations made in reference to the trial of the aforesaid persons were examined by the governor and captain-general; and he gave orders to arrest those who appeared guilty, in the various regions and provinces in which they were to be found, and on different days, letting no one of the guilty ones escape. The men were arrested and their confessions were taken down separately. At the proper time and place they were each charged with the crime which resulted against each of them; and a copy of the charge was given to them and to their attorneys on their behalf. Their cases were received on trial in a certain order and for a certain period, so as to give them, during that period, an opportunity of clearing themselves from the charge. The time expired, and the trial was definitely closed. The governor and captain-general reviewed the trial, and on different days pronounced a final sentence against each one of them, according to their guilt. The sentence is in substance as follows:

Don Agustin de Legaspi and Don Martin Panga, as leaders and chiefs, and being convicted by witnesses, were condemned to be dragged and hanged; their heads were to be cut off and exposed on the gibbet in iron cages, as an example and warning against the said crime. All their goods were to be confiscated and set apart, half for the royal treasury and half for judicial expenses. The above-mentioned appealed Page 96from the aforesaid sentence to the royal Audiencia of these islands; but after having examined the trial, the Audiencia confirmed the aforesaid sentence, and returned the case to the governor and captain-general in order that justice might be done. The death-punishment was to cut their heads off and to expose them on the gibbet in iron cages. The sites of their houses were to be plowed and sown with salt. All their property, after the judicial expenses had been defrayed, should be set aside for the royal treasury. This sentence was executed upon the abovementioned persons as here stated.

Dionisio Fernandez, Japanese interpreter in the negotiations with Xapon, having confessed and having been convicted, was condemned to be hanged and to lose his property, half of it to be set aside for the royal treasury and half for judicial expenses. He appealed from this sentence to the royal Audiencia; but this court, after it had examined the trial, returned it to the governor and captain-general, in order that justice might be done. The sentence was executed upon him as here stated.

Don Pedro Balinguit, chief of the village of Pandaca, was sentenced to six years of prescribed exile in Nueva España, and was condemned to pay six taes of orejeras gold1 for the treasury of the king our sovereign, and for judicial expenses. The fiscal and he appealed to his Majesty's chamber—I mean to the Page 97royal Audiencia—and this court returned the case to the captain-general, so that justice might be done. This man is about to sail in these ships for his place of exile.

Pitongatan, chief of the village of Tondo, was sentenced to exile in Nueva España for eight years. His property was to be equally divided between the treasury of the king, our sovereign, and the judicial expenses. He and the fiscal appealed to the royal Audiencia; and this court on a second examination sentenced him to exile in such place as the governor should choose, for two years—one prescribed and the other unconditioned—and to pay costs only.

Don Phelipe Salonga, chief of the village of Polo, was sentenced to exile in Nueva España for six years. Half of his property was to be set aside for the treasury of the king, our sovereign, and half for judicial expenses. He and the fiscal appealed to the royal Audiencia; but the case was returned to the captain-general, in order that justice might be done.

Don Phelipe Amarlangagui, chief of Catangalan, was sentenced to exile from his village for six years, to a place prescribed. His property was to be divided equally between the treasury of the king, our sovereign, and the judicial expenses. He and the fiscal appealed to the royal Audiencia; but the case was returned to the captain-general, in order that justice might be done, except that the exile was to be for four years.

Daulat, chief of the village of Castilla, was sentenced to prescribed exile from this district for four years, and condemned to pay ten taes of orejeras gold, half for the royal treasury and half for judicial expenses. He and the fiscal appealed to the royal Audiencia; Page 98but the case was returned to the captain-general, in order that justice might be done, except that of the four years of exile two were to be prescribed and two unconditioned.

Don Joan Basi, chief and former governor of the village of Tagui, was sentenced to prescribed exile from this jurisdiction2 for four years. Half of his property was set aside for the treasury of his Majesty, and half for the judicial expenses. He and the fiscal appealed to the royal Audiencia, whence the case was remitted to the captain-general, with the exception that the whole penalty should consist only of two years of prescribed exile.

Dionisio Capolo, chief of Candava, was sentenced to prescribed exile from this jurisdiction for eight years, and was condemned to pay fifteen taes of orejeras gold, half of which was to be set aside for the treasury of his Majesty, and half for judicial expenses. He and the fiscal appealed to the royal Audiencia, which, after having examined the report of the trial, remitted it to the captain-general, in order that justice might be done—save that the whole penalty was to consist of four years of prescribed exile, and the payment of twelve taes of orejeras gold. The sentence was executed.

Don Francisco Acta, chief of Tondo, was sentenced to four years of prescribed exile. Half of his goods and property was to be divided between the treasury of his Majesty and judicial expenses. He and the fiscal appealed to the court of his Majesty; but the case was remitted to the captain-general in order that Page 99justice might be done—save that the whole penalty was to consist of four years' prescribed exile, and nothing more.

Don Luis Amanicalao was sentenced to prescribed exile from this jurisdiction for six years. His goods were to be divided between the treasury of his Majesty and the judicial expenses. He and the attorney appealed to the royal Audiencia, but the case was likewise remitted to the captain-general in order that justice might be done—only that the exile was to be reduced to three years. The sentence was executed.

Don Grabiel Tuambacar, chief of Tondo, was sentenced to exile from this jurisdiction for four years, and was condemned to pay six taes of orejeras gold—half for the treasury of his Majesty, and half for the judicial expenses. He appealed to the royal Audiencia, as did the fiscal also; but the case was remitted to the governor, in order that he might execute justice upon him—except that the penalty was to be only four years' exile.

Calao, chief of Tondo, was sentenced to exile from this jurisdiction for four years. Half of his goods were to be applied as in other cases. He and the fiscal appealed to the royal Audiencia, whence the case was returned to the captain-general, in order that he might execute justice—except that the only penalty was four years' exile.

Omaghicon, chief of Navotas, was sentenced to prescribed exile in Nueva España for six years, and was condemned to pay sixty taes of orejeras gold, half of it to be set aside for the treasury of his Majesty, and half for the judicial expenses. This money was to be paid within a month, under pain of hanging. The fiscal of his Majesty and the culprit appealed Page 100to the royal Audiencia; there the sentence was revoked, and the guilty man was condemned to die, and to lose half of his goods, the latter to be applied as specified above. Thus he was condemned on a new trial, and put to death; and inquiries are being made about his goods.

Don Geronimo Bassi was sentenced to exile in Nueva España for ten years. His property was to be divided between the treasury of his Majesty and the judicial expenses. He and the fiscal of his Majesty appealed to the royal Audiencia—which, after an examination and a new trial, revoked the sentence and condemned him to death, and to the loss of all his goods in favor of the royal treasury. The sentence was executed.

Don Phelipe Salalila, chief of Misilo, was exiled to Nueva España for twelve years, and condemned to pay seventy taes of gold de orejeras, of which half was to be set aside for the treasury of his Majesty and half for judicial expenses. He was to pay the money within twenty days under pain of death. He and the attorney of his Majesty appealed to the royal Audiencia—which, after an examination and a new trial, revoked the sentence and condemned him to death, and to the loss of all his goods in favor of the treasury of his Majesty. The sentence was executed upon him.

Don Esteban Taes, chief of Bulacan, was sentenced to prescribed exile in Nueva España for eight years, and condemned to pay sixty taes of orejeras gold, for the treasury of his Majesty and for judicial expenses. The money was to be paid within thirty days under pain of death. He and the fiscal of the king appealed to the royal Audiencia—which, on an examination Page 101and new trial, revoked the sentence, and condemned him to death and to the loss of all his goods in favor of the royal exchequer and the treasury of his Majesty. The sentence was executed.

Magat Salamat was condemned to death. His goods were to be employed for the erection of the new fortress of this city. He appealed to the royal Audiencia; but the case was remitted to the governor, in order that justice might be done—except that the goods were to be set aside for the treasury. The sentence was executed.

Don Agustin Manuguit was sentenced to exile in Nueva España for six years, and condemned to pay twenty taes of orejeras gold toward the building of the new fortress. Failing to pay this sum, the term of his exile would be doubled. He agreed to pay it, and the sentence was executed.

Don Luis Balaya, chief of Bangos, was sentenced to exile from his village for two years, one prescribed and the other unconditioned. He was also condemned to pay ten taes of orejeras gold toward the building of the fortress, to which he agreed.

Alonso Lea was acquitted on the trial.

Amarlangagui, chief of the village of Tondo, was exiled from this jurisdiction for four years, two prescribed and two unconditioned. He was also condemned to pay fifteen taes of orejeras gold toward the said building of the fortress. He agreed to this, and the sentence was executed.

Don Joan Banal, chief of Tondo, was sentenced to exile from this jurisdiction for six years, and condemned to pay ten taes of orejeras gold toward the building of the said fortress. He agreed to this, and paid the money. Page 102

In the case of Amaghicon, Indian chief of the island of Cuyo, sentence is yet to be passed by the governor; for the man was brought hither only a short time ago, as he lived very far from this city.

The said sentences, as specified, were executed upon the above-named persons. Those who were exiled to Nueva España are about to sail in the ships which are to be despatched this year to that country. As for the goods [confiscated], most of the men have paid their fines; but in case of those who have failed to do this, the alcaldes-mayor have been ordered to make investigations about them. They are already doing so, as appears from the said trial and process, to which I refer. And, in order that the whole matter may be evident, I give by the said command the present record, in Manila, on the thirteenth day of July in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine. I affix my seal, in testimony of the truth.

Esteban de Marquina, notary-public.

We, the notaries who have here signed our names,3 certify and attest that Esteban de Marquina, from whom proceeds this authenticated record, is indeed a notary-public, of the number authorized in this city, as is stated herein, and is now exercising his office; and that the deeds, attestations, and records which have been and are transacted in his presence have been and are thoroughly certified and authenticated, both within court and without. Done at Manila, on the thirteenth day of July in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine. Page 103

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Letter from Gaspar de Ayala to Felipe II

Sire:

Last year I gave your Majesty a detailed account of the events that had hitherto occurred in these islands; of what has since happened I will give account in this letter. As soon as the ships left for Nueva España, we set about building a ship of seven hundred toneladas at the cost of your Majesty's royal exchequer. As purveyor thereof was appointed Captain Don Juan Ronquillo, alcalde-mayor of the province of Pintados. The ship is being built in that district, and paid for out of the tributes which your Majesty has from that province; and this city provided some articles which were lacking there. The purveyor writes that he can make the voyage this coming year. This ship will be the fourth of your Majesty's vessels on that route [to Nueva España]. I understand that two of them will be of no use for this next year, as they will have to be laid aside. Thus it will be necessary, that the navigation on that route may not cease, that ships be built continually. Although the Mariscal Grabiel de Rribera and Captain Juan Pablo de Carrion are each building a ship, they will not be able to support them, and will be obliged to sell them at the port of Acapulco on the first voyage, Page 104for the Piru trade. Although they could be bought in these islands on the account of your Majesty's royal exchequer, it seems to me better that your Majesty should save the profits that will be made after their construction; since they can easily be built at much less cost than if they were bought after they are built.

The accounts of your royal exchequer have been audited this year, and are being sent with everything clearly expressed. The entire accounts are set forth and the data in detail, each class by itself. Because the gold was very cheap this year, on account of the great lack of coin, some uneasiness was felt for your royal exchequer. Its income has not reached the value of last year, although your Majesty's gold has been more valuable than that of private persons, because it had to be distributed in various payments. If it were possible for your Majesty's royal treasury to keep the gold and sell it at the coming of the ships, there would be considerable profit. However, as the gold is being constantly needed, and there is nothing else with which to meet the salaries and other necessary obligations, it is, when there is a lack of coin, distributed at the common value—although, as I have said before, a somewhat higher value is given to your Majesty's gold. If, as I have written in other letters, your Majesty would be pleased to command forty or fifty thousand pesos to be brought every year from Nueva España to the royal treasury of these islands, returning thence the value thereof in gold, it would give the greatest relief to this treasury and profit to your royal exchequer; for twenty-five thousand pesos in gold, at the price at which it is given in tribute by the Indians, would amount to fifty thousand in Nueva España. This could be done very easily, Page 105if your Majesty would assume the risk of the transportation of the money and the return of the gold.As a result, your royal treasury could in a short time be free from obligations, and could aid in the maintenance of this kingdom.[Marginal note: “Abstract this clause, and send it to the viceroy of Nueva España.” ]

By virtue of your royal decree received by your governor in the past year, concerning the sale of the magistracies and offices of notary, by order of your said governor the following offices were sold, in the usual manner of selling your royal property: Four public notaryships in this city, at eight hundred pesos each; the notarial office of Panpanga, at one thousand pesos; that of the province of Pintados, at one thousand seven hundred pesos; that of Cebu, at six hundred; that of Bombon, at three hundred; that of Ylocos, at three hundred; that of Camarines is set at six hundred, and has not been adjudged to a bidder. These offices were sold with some inducements, in order that there should be more bidding. Of ten magistracies which were placed at auction, five were sold—the first at one thousand four hundred pesos, the second at nine hundred, the third at a thousand, the fourth at one thousand two hundred, and the fifth at nine hundred and ten. The others are left to be auctioned upon the arrival of the ship from Nueva España. To increase the value of the offices sold, there were also admitted some bonuses, after payment of which, I understand, the offices will clear fifteen thousand pesos more or less. That the magistracies might have more value to meet the present necessities, your said governor commanded that they be sold with the condition that the owners thereof could Page 106renounce them by depositing in your royal treasury the third of the value, as is done with the offices of clerks. Should your Majesty confirm this, it will be of much profit to your royal exchequer.

Besides the notarial offices which your royal decree ordered to be sold, no mention was made of those of La Laguna, of the Coast and Tondo, of Bulacan, of the cabildo of this city, and that of Pangasinan, which are all large jurisdictions and have notaries appointed by themselves. Moreover, there may thus be sold the office of notary of the alcaiceria [silk-market] of the Chinese, where there is a separate judge; and that of the mines and registries, with the inspection of the Chinese ships, in the form provided by your governor, and used by Thomas Perez. If this last office were sold with the others, we could find a person who would give therefor five thousand pesos; and should your governor provide the office of al-ferez-mayor and that of depositary-general, it would come to six thousand pesos. I understand that if your Majesty should command these offices to be sold by open vote in the cabildo, there would be found many purchasers.

When Alonso Veltran, your notary of the court of this Audiencia, departed for Nueva España, he sold his office, by official permission, to Alonso de Torres, an honored merchant, for four thousand five hundred pesos. The third thereof was placed in your royal treasury of which he made royal exhibition in the Audiencia, and asked to be admitted to the possession and exercise of said office. When your governor examined the records, he said that the cognizance of that cause was not for the Audiencia, but for the governor, because the general decree providing Page 107for the sale of offices for Nueva España came addressed to the viceroy.Consequently, the Audiencia referred to the governor the cognizance and decision of this matter; and he declared that the said Alonso de Torres was not entitled to admission.Although the latter appealed, he did not dare continue the case, in order, as he said, to avoid misfortune.For this reason, your royal treasury lost one thousand five hundred pesos.To remedy this, and to increase your royal exchequer, it is most important for your Majesty to command that the said general decree directed to the viceroy of Nueva España in the year eighty-one,1 which treats of the sale and renunciation of offices, be observed in these islands. Its fulfilment should be enforced by your president and auditors; and, when a vacancy occurs in any office, the said office should be sold, in order that your royal treasury may have some relief. If it is not thus commanded, the governors will exercise the privilege of providing offices.

Last year I reported to your Majesty that, because of the death of Doña Ana de Palacios, there had been left vacant an encomienda owned by her in Camarines. Petition had been made to your governor that it be placed to the account of your royal crown, in virtue of your Majesty's royal decree; and that twelve thousand pesos of income should be paid to this royal Audiencia. But because Captain Joan Maldonado presented another decree in which your Majesty commands that there be given him two thousand pesos of income from unallotted Indians, on account of his Page 108many services and extreme poverty, part of the said encomienda was given him; while to your royal crown there was assigned the other part, amounting to eleven hundred Indians, more or less. Moreover, at the end of December of the past year, eighty-eight, the encomienda owned by Don Luis de Sagajosa at Ylocos was left vacant by his death. I petitioned your governor to place it to the account of your royal crown, in compliance with the said royal decree. He declared that it could not be allotted to the crown, but that it would remain vacant, and the income would be assigned to your royal treasury as royal property, until your Majesty should command otherwise. Less than seven hundred Indians of this encomienda were apportioned to your royal crown, in order that the income therefrom should be enjoyed by the hospital. Appeal from this was made to the Audiencia, and the case was continued. The result thereof was that another decree was issued by your Majesty to the Augustinian friars, in which your Majesty granted them a gift and alms of ten thousand ducats, payable within ten years in unassigned Indians. In consideration of their poverty, I consented that from the income of this encomienda there should be given them three hundred pesos every year, until your decree should be fulfilled. Then a revision of the decree was issued, ordering that the said encomienda be allotted to your royal crown; but that from the income thereof there should be given to the hospital six hundred pesos for eight years, and to the convent of San Agustin three hundred pesos every year until your decree should be fulfilled. After the payment of that nine hundred pesos, the grants for religious instruction, and the costs of the collection, Page 109I understand that there will remain clear for your royal treasury the sum of one thousand four hundred pesos, besides the nine hundred of the hospital and convent after their dues are satisfied. The Audiencia placed this encomienda to the account of your royal crown; for, although your governor was ordered twice to do so, according to the ordinances of first consideration and revision, he would not comply. He was ordered to give a writ, in order that the officials of your royal exchequer could hold it as title.

Later, on account of the death of Captain Villanueva, two encomiendas were left vacant—one called Malgandon, and the other near this city—which were worth two thousand pesos of income. As soon as he died, without notice thereof having been given to me, on the first day of last May before daybreak, your governor assigned the said encomiendas—that of Malgandon to Cristoval de Axqueta; and the other to Don Luis Enrriques, who abandoned another encomienda which he held, of as much and more income, but somewhat farther away from this city. At the same time the encomienda that he had abandoned was assigned, half to each of two other soldiers. On the following day I heard the news, and I presented myself in the Audiencia in order to appeal, and to take exception to whatever possession should be taken. I appealed from whatever writ of possession might be provided; and I ordered that a copy of this appeal be handed to the parties. Cristoval de Axqueta kept himself hidden, in order that notice might not be served on him; and four or five days after my appeal the possession which I had opposed was given him by an alcalde-mayor of Pangasinan. The other litigants did not take possession; and, the case being concluded, Page 110a writ was issued, by which all were protected in their possession. The decision in respect to the ownership was submitted to your royal Council of the Indias, I having appealed from the writ. The case has been concluded and considered, and the decision has not been reached; of that I shall later send a report to your Majesty.

For these reasons your governor is inciting the soldiers and telling them that I am depriving them of means of sustenance, and various other things, in order to set them against me, and make himself popular with them, while disparaging me. Consequently, some of them bear me ill-will. Your said governor, although he knows that he cannot take Indians from your royal crown, has assigned some of them three or four times; and I have had them taken away by process of law. He satisfied himself by telling the soldiers that he had given them a means of support, but that I had taken it away. As I took exception to his acts, and caused several encomiendas to be revoked which had been given by him, he says that he is not the governor, but I am. I beseech your Majesty to be pleased to command your governor to refrain from such indignities to me, as the diligence which I exercise and the actions at law which I cause are for your royal service, the increase of the royal exchequer, and the fulfilment of my conscience and obligation. As I am hated in this country for doing my duty, would your Majesty be pleased to favor me by granting me leave to depart, and giving me a charge elsewhere where I may serve better and more satisfactorily, and where no one will complain of me. When your Majesty receives this, I shall have served in this office of fiscal almost seven years. Should your Page 111Majesty not be disposed to grant me this favor I shall continue in my service here until I die.

Still later, at the death of Doña Maria de Miranda, two encomiendas were left vacant, both worth a thousand pesos of income. They were given to Don Fernando de Villafaña, by virtue of your royal decree, in which it is commanded that your governor should give him an encomienda of Indians. He has served in these islands about ten years, and for his good service and poverty but little has been given him. On this account, and as your Majesty had commanded that he be given an encomienda of Indians, I took no exception, as in the other cases.

This year there came from China eleven or twelve vessels with but little merchandise, because, as they say, there have been many wars and a severe plague. It has been reported that a ship from Panama or Piru, prepared to lay out a large sum of money, has arrived at Macan, which is on the river of Canton. As I have stated in previous communications, if it is permitted to carry on trade between Piru or Nueva España and China, this country will be depopulated and ruined. The principal means of support here is the merchandise from China, and the profit which results from sending those goods to be sold in Nueva España. This would be completely done away with, should ships go from that country or Piru to China; for it is evident that, if these ships bought the merchandise needed, there would be no market or sale for the goods brought from these islands. Neither would the Chinese come here with their ships to sell the goods, or at least not in so large numbers; and besides the general loss to this land, there would be lost the customs duties of import and export. Page 112

At my petition, in view of the fact that a large part of the gold paid as tribute had not been declared, and the fifth taken, it was decreed that within a fortnight after the collection of tribute, the gold should be declared, and the registers of collection displayed, before the officials of your royal exchequer, under penalty of losing the third part of the tribute for that year.The aforesaid was proclaimed and notification was given to the encomenderos of this city, and the decrees therefor were sent to the alcaldes-mayor.Nevertheless, there is laxity in the declarations; and it would be of great benefit for your Majesty to order the officers of your royal exchequer to exercise great care in this, and to see that the disobedient suffer the penalties.[Marginal note: “Bring the decrees in this case.” ]

Last year a fragata was despatched from this city to Maluco. Therein were two descalced friars, who were going to that court on business connected with their order; and they carried with them a packet of letters from this Audiencia and your governor. This fragata anchored in a port of the island of Borney, called El Paso; and the natives attacked them, after having given assurance of safety so that they would land. They killed one of the friars, and all the men except three or four Spaniards; and burned the fragata, after having robbed it. Those who escaped say that this attack had been made by order of the king of Burney, and that a Spanish soldier who had gone there had been persuaded to turn renegade. They pay him a stipend for making plans for stone fortifications, and making weapons and powder. Your governor despatched a ship, sending a messenger to ask for this soldier; but the reply has not yet Page 113come. Many people were of the opinion that, if soldiers had been in these islands in any great number, a fleet should be sent to attack the said king—both for the reason already given, and because he was a tributario to your Majesty, and has refused to pay tribute. But with the few troops in these islands, no expedition can be made, nor do we who are in Manila feel at all secure, with the forces that we have in this kingdom. There are many enemies and but few Spaniards, and the latter are dying in great numbers every day. Also, for lack of troops, punishment has not been meted out for the insolence which, as I reported to your Majesty last year, had been perpetrated by the king of Mindanao. In the past few days the Indians of Cibu have revolted, and have killed the encomenderos who were collecting the tribute, and other soldiers. They seized the women, and detained them for a long time, until the alcalde-mayor of that island, with a number of friendly Indians and fifty or sixty Spaniards, attacked and chastised them. Some were killed in the encounter, and those most guilty were hanged. Thereupon the said alcalde-mayor wrote that that island was pacified. It lies more than one hundred and fifty leagues from this city. Later, on the seventh of last June, there came further advices from the said alcalde-mayor, to the effect that the natives of said islands, with other neighboring peoples, had conspired to burn the city, and kill all the Spaniards who might be there; and that several of the principal authors of the plot have been captured, and steps are being taken to arrest the others. Your governor sent him instructions as to what he should do.

Four or five months ago two soldiers came from Page 114the city of Segovia, located in the province of Cagayan. They were sent by the alcalde-mayor of that province, bringing word that the province was all in rebellion and that the Indians had killed many Spaniards. The natives were so bold and daring that they entered into the city to murder and rob. He begged for reënforcements of troops and ammunition, or that province would be depopulated. It is the most important of these islands as it is the nearest to Japon and is within fifty leagues of the coast of China. Reënforcements were sent by the master-of-camp, Pedro de Chaves, with four or five ships and fifty soldiers, besides what supplies and ammunition they could take. We have received news of their arrival only. The outcome of the expedition I will relate when it is over. Captain Martin de Barrios was also slain by the Indians while he was collecting the tribute from his encomienda, together with other soldiers; and I am ready to certify that there are few places in these islands where the natives are not disaffected. When there is any uprising they communicate with one another, make allies, and send messengers to keep up relations. This is because the Indians know that there is but a small force of Spaniards, and that they are separated from one another, and that their punishments are not inflicted as they formerly were, under a military régime, but by a judicial order.

The past year we were informed that the Indian chiefs of this district had met together at different times to discuss rebellion against your royal service, and the death of all the Spaniards in these islands, and the mastery of this land which was enjoyed by their forefathers. At the time when this happened Page 115there was in this city a Japanese captain, who had come here ostensibly for trading and carrying on commerce. The natives made arrangements with him to come to their aid with ships and soldiers. They were to give him part of the land, and would send messengers to the king of Borney and other principal Indians of other provinces, in order that they might come to their assistance. They swore very solemnly according to their custom to keep and fulfil the agreement. They chose a king, captains, and officers of war; and weapons were made in secret. On the discovery of their treachery and plots, the principal chiefs were arrested; seven or eight of them were hanged and beheaded, and their property confiscated. Many others were exiled, some from their villages, and others to Nueva España who sail in this ship. By this punishment it seems as if the people have become somewhat cowed. May God aid us, and free us from so many dangers to which we are exposed. This land will be lost and ruined if your Majesty does not expressly order a goodly number of soldiers to be sent here, and that something be paid to the men for their support. It is pitiful to see them die of hunger, and if they are not paid no soldiers will care to come here, to be in captivity; and we are dying off very fast. Your Majesty should not permit such a thing; for, although this land is of much cost and no profit, it is a foothold and stepping-stone by which to enter the realms of Great China. For this it is very important to learn that language, and for some religious of the orders of St. Augustine and St. Dominic to teach the Chinese in that tongue, since in that wise they will become fond of our religion. May God bring this to pass, later. It would tend greatly Page 116to the preservation of the soldiers, should your Majesty order your viceroy of Nueva España to send a doctor to these islands, although he should be given a salary from your royal treasury of Nueva España. For lack of a physician and of someone who knows how to cure sickness, many of the people die—especially the soldiers and sailors, who have few comforts.

Your Majesty's galleys in this city are useless, and serve for nothing whatever. It will be more profitable and less costly to have a couple of small ships and another couple of armed fragatas. This can be done if your Majesty will order them to be built, and the galleys to be broken up.

The fort, which is being built of stone, has been fractured in some places, from the great weight. They say that it is caused by the small amount of cement used, and because it is near the water and built in a round shape. It seemed as if it could be made secure by building three buttresses with three cavaliers; and this work is now being done. If the cavaliers had been built at first, much money could have been saved; but, as there are no engineers here, they have done the best they could—although several captains say that they had given warning at the beginning of the work. For this there has been collected a little more than four thousand pesos from certain duties which used to be paid to your Majesty on the money brought from Nueva España. Later, collections were made from the Indians of the land, on each being levied one real—thus raising another twelve thousand pesos, more or less. Now another tax of one real has been levied on the Indians, who are oppressed by it; but as your royal treasury is so poor, everything must be borne. Page 117

In last year's letter I advised you that at my petition, taxes were levied on the Indians in their suits, according to the tariff of Spain, charging the Spaniards triple the amount. Finding that the clerks could not support themselves on so small fees, and at risk of levying too much, it was ordered that the fees be doubled, and it was so done.

Captain Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa, son-in-law of the licentiate Melchior Davalos, your auditor, killed his wife and nephew, the own son of his brother, saying that they had committed adultery. This he proved by some Indian women of his house, although he did not find them in the act. I conducted the trial, and, after review thereof, condemned him to six years of exile, and a fine of five thousand pesos for your royal court, the expenses of justice, and other things.

This year a Japanese ship came to this port with many supplies and arms. There must have been more than five hundred arquebuses and as many of their kind of swords, and some battle-axes. As the conspiracy of the Indians had taken place when the said ship arrived, it was believed that it came for the execution of that plot. On entering the port, this ship was boarded, and all its cargo was sequestered and the crew imprisoned. It was learned that they were going to sell the weapons in Cian, and they were released from custody, on condition that they would sell the goods here. This they did, and this country has consequently been supplied with weapons.

As your royal treasury is usually in need and lack of money, it happened at the beginning of February of this year that, on petition of the prebendaries and curas of the cathedral, the bishop of these islands Page 118commanded the royal officials, under pain of excommunication, to pay them the stipends assigned them from your royal treasury—amounting to one thousand five hundred pesos annually, for four prebendaries. According to my information your said officials owed them nothing whatever, in accordance with the agreement made with them in the month of July of the year eighty-seven—namely, that from that day they were to be paid their entire current salary; and of that due them they were to be paid little by little, as your royal treasury was so over-burdened. At this notification they replied to the bishop that he could not be judge of that case, as it was a secular one and they were laymen. Of necessity, they appealed to the Audiencia; and the bishop ordered that they be declared excommunicated. This was publicly done, and their names written on the public list, on a Saturday evening. After the Audiencia saw what difficulties would follow on the excommunication of your royal officials, and after it had examined the proceedings in the report made to the judge, it passed an ordinance, asking and requiring the bishop to absolve and reinstate the officials until the documents could be examined in the council-room. To this he gave a certain reply, and after considering this, with the documents, another decree was made, in which it was declared to the bishop that he was not the judge of the cause, which the Audiencia ordered to be retained under its own jurisdiction. As I was not present at this decision it was ordered that I be notified, and that I should appear in the suit in defense of your royal jurisdiction. Therefore, on the Monday next following, I presented before the said bishop a petition requesting Page 119that he absolve the persons excommunicated, and declare himself not to have jurisdiction over that cause. To establish the fact that the recognition thereof did not belong to him, I stated in the first argument of my petition that it could not pertain to him as the royal officials were mere laymen, and not subject to the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, but to the royal. I alleged further reasons that the cause was secular and temporal. Among other things, the bishop replied to the petition that he was not satisfied with a proposition that I had offered, in reference to the holy office of the Inquisition. This caused exceeding disturbance and scandal in this city, because the bishop was not content with saying what he did in reply to my petition; but to every person who entered his house he said that I had been guilty of a heresy, and unlettered persons who heard this gave it credit. Moreover, as there is here a commissary of the Inquisition, he called together many friars and certified this proposition, separating it from the petition and paying no attention to my purpose therein, or to the circumstances under which I made it. I am sending a report of all the proceedings, in order that your Majesty may provide for the future, as to whether the bishop is to be the judge, and have entrance and privilege to cause the salaries to be paid from your royal treasury, which your Majesty in kindness and mercy had ordered to be assigned to the prebendaries and curates. The bishop, for the sake of peace, after he had kept your royal officials excommunicated many days, refusing to obey or fulfil the ordinances of your royal Audiencia, issued a decree in which he gave up the decision of the cause to his Holiness and to your Majesty. He protested that Page 120he would proceed with the case when he saw fit. Although I stated in petition that the bishop had not complied with the ordinances of the Audiencia, and that thereby he had incurred the penalties provided—which I begged to have executed—everything was passed over, and it was not deemed proper to exact the penalties. In this wise, whenever any dispute over jurisdiction occurs, the bishop displays like obstinacy, as he has done in other cases which are being added to the principal one. If a penalty should once be imposed that would hurt him, he would obey and comply with the ordinances of the Audiencia. But he says publicly that nothing can be done which will restrain him, and this is what he desires. Because of this case the prebendaries and bishop abandoned the cathedral church and did not enter it, or celebrate the divine offices therein from the fourth of February until the twenty-second of March—when, as it was holy week, they returned. During this time only the cura came to the church, to say mass; and thereby great complaint, scandal, and discontent were caused among all the people. I beseech your Majesty to be pleased to order this case to be summarily settled. The bishop declares that he will use the right, which he claims to own, when he sees fit to do so; and it should be decided if it is right to suffer this thing. Also, because I as fiscal attend to the defense of your royal jurisdiction, should the bishop have license to declare in writing that I had made a proposition touching the Holy Inquisition? It was not only this, but that the statement went from one pulpit to another, by his command, that to say that the bishop was not judge of that cause was a heresy. These and other words of which the Audiencia Page 121will give information caused no little scandal in this city. Likewise he refuses to obey the ordinances of the Audiencia, making light of and disputing over them, for which he may be restrained and condemned in temporal matters.

It is quite common for controversies to arise between your governor and the bishop as to which of them is to assign the salary to be given to the ecclesiastics who administer instruction, both in the encomiendas of your royal crown and in those of private individuals. Since the salaries in the encomiendas of the crown are paid from your royal exchequer, it is but just that your governor assign them, or at least that they do so jointly. In this way your royal patronage will be better guarded, and it will be known for whom the bishop is providing. I beg your Majesty to be pleased to have suitable orders given in this matter, and that it be done shortly, for every day more and more difficulties arise.

A case has been considered in the Audiencia, between the bishop and the order of St. Augustine, as to whether the said order and the religious thereof are to administer instruction to the Chinese living in the village of Tondo. Ever since the settlement of this town, they have had a convent there, ministering to the natives in their own language. They say that they have also instructed the Chinese, who understand what they say. The bishop placed in this town friars of his own order, the Dominican, so that they could minister to the Chinese in a chapel there. The Augustinians complained, saying that by a brief of his Holiness, and a royal decree which they presented, two monasteries of different orders should not be situated in the same town, or in its vicinity. The Page 122Audiencia passed an ordinance requiring that within thirty days the bishop should appoint ministers of one order, to administer instruction to the natives and the Chinese. As this ordinance concerned a matter already adjudicated, the bishop asked for a declaration of their position; and it was thereupon declared that by that ordinance the Dominicans were not excluded from the administration of instruction to the Chinese. An appeal was then made on the part of the order of St. Augustine; and they said that some of their religious would in a short time know the Chinese language. They were commanded by ordinance to observe the past decree, until your Majesty should have been consulted and should provide otherwise. Afterward, when the Augustinians saw that they were not by the said ordinances excluded from administering instruction to the Chinese, they commenced to undertake this work. The bishop, as he desired a religious of the said order who was said to know the Chinese language to preach to the Chinese on the afternoon of St John's day, went to the town of Tondo, which is opposite this city, on the other side of the river. He had trouble with the Augustinian friars, and the abovementioned religious would not consent to preach. Thereby was caused much severe comment and scandal, both among the natives and Chinese, and among the Spaniards. The Augustinian friars complain that the bishop, being a Dominican, favors his own order and persecutes them; and that before the coming of the Dominicans to these islands they did not have this persecution, but peace and concord.

There is great need of religious to administer instruction to the natives, since of the few who were Page 123here a large number have died, this year and last. There are many places without instruction, and in still others there are ecclesiastics who do not know the language, from which it results that the natives cannot be well instructed. It is of much importance for the welfare and pacification of this land that religious should come here, because in those places where they are now stationed the Indians live more peaceably and with less license. I beseech your Majesty to be pleased to give orders for their prompt despatch, since their coming is so necessary for the service of God and the good of souls. They should be of the three orders already here.

In this city there are two hospitals, one for Spaniards and the other for the natives.That of the natives is under the charge of a Franciscan friar,2 who cares for them and ministers to them with much charity. It seems as if God supports them as by a miracle; for there are usually more than a hundred patients, sick with all kinds of diseases, and they are maintained by alms, as they have no other income. It would be very injurious if the Franciscan friars should abandon it; and thus it will be expedient for your Majesty to order that they hold and administer it, as has been done hitherto. Moreover, license should be given for said hospital to send four toneladas of pepper as cargo on the ships which sail every year from these islands to Nueva España. There should be levied on them neither duties in these islands, nor freight charges at Acapulco; for with Page 124this privilege, which would little affect your Majesty's interests, they can further the work, and support themselves.

Those who are serving your Majesty in this royal Audiencia are: the doctor Santiago de Vera, your president; the licentiate Melchior Davalos, the licentiate Pedro de Rrojas, and the licentiate Don Antonio de Rribera, your auditors. The first two suffer from many ailments and infirmities. There are also myself, a secretary, a reporter, three attorneys, and interpreters and other officials of the Audiencia.

The persons who have been provided with offices this year are the following: Don Fernando de Villafaña, alcalde-mayor of La Laguna, with a salary of three hundred pesos, the amount usually given to other alcaldes-mayor; Pedro Manrique, alcalde-mayor at Pangansinan, who has served your Majesty nine years, in these islands; Cristoval de Leon, chief magistrate at Calompite, an elderly man, long in the land, and with wife and children; Gaspar de Ysla, chief magistrate at Lubao, one of the early colonists, and married; Captain Gomez de Machuca, alcalde-mayor of Camarines, who has served ten years in this country, and married here; Bartolome Pacheco, alcalde-mayor of Bulacan, who has seen six years' service in this land; Captain Don Alonso Maldonado, alcalde-mayor of the alcaicería of the Chinese, who has served here six years; Clemente Hurtado de Monrreal, alcalde-mayor of the coast of this city, who has seen six years' service here; Lorenço Lopez de Abiste, alcalde-mayor of the island of Çubu, who has served here six years; Captain Don Diego de Alcaraso, who was appointed by your governor as Page 125warden of the old fort, at the death of Captain Juan Maldonado, who used to hold it, and draws a salary of three hundred pesos; Juan de Bustamante, who was appointed by your governor as inspector to the Indians, and is now inspecting in the province of Ylocos; Don Gaspar de Vera, son of your governor, who was appointed as general of the sea; and Joan, Cantero, alcalde-mayor of Calompite, who has served seventeen years in this land.

On the twenty-ninth of June returned the messenger sent by your governor to the kingdom of Burney to ask the king to deliver to him the soldier who had turned renegade, as I have said above. Although the king made some excuses for his acts, he nevertheless refused to deliver the renegade.

On the same day there was an unusually severe tempest of wind and water in this city. The natives say that they never saw such a one. The sea and the river Madre rose until they joined and reached the fort. Much damage was done in the houses; and worse still, two ships which were here loading a cargo for Nueva España—one belonging to your Majesty, and the other to the mariscal Grabiel de Rivera—were driven on the coast by the force of this tempest, and it is understood that they cannot be repaired. Even should one of them be repaired, it cannot make the voyage this year. In all the port not one ship or fragata escaped, except one small boat, which was taken to send advices to Nueva España of the condition of this land, which is most unpropitious. By this calamity, so injurious to the community, the people have become greatly disheartened. Moreover, as I write this clause, we have had thus far no news of ships from Nueva España, Page 126although this is the seventh of July. The entire support of this land depends on the coming and going of the ships; and if they are not here by May or the middle of June, by delaying longer they run great risk of being lost, and with them the welfare and support of this land. Sailing from the port of Acapulco at the beginning of March, they would arrive here in good time and without risk from storms. As this is of so much importance, I beseech your Majesty to be pleased to order your viceroy of Nueva España to exercise the utmost diligence in the early despatch of the ships which are to come to this land, in order that they may accomplish the purpose of the voyage.

On the first of July, arrived the master-of-camp, Pedro de Chaves, who had gone to chastise the Indians of the province of Cagayan, who as I have said before, were at war. Although he had gone out with sixty soldiers and more than eight hundred friendly Indians, he did nothing whatever except to cut down their palm-trees and destroy their crops. He says that the Indians themselves burned their villages and went to the mountains. It is known, however, that he left that province in a worse state of war than before, and when the Indians see our men turn back and leave them they regain courage.

We Spaniards are very few in number, and are surrounded by enemies on every side. If we are not relieved in time by the despatch of reënforcements, it will be impossible to apply a remedy when it is wanted. As I have already said, we are but few, and the troops die very quickly. When the Indians see an opportunity to crush us, they are not likely to let it slip. I beseech your Majesty to be pleased to order Page 127your viceroy that, when your governor sends to ask troops and ammunition, or other necessaries, he should send them; and also that he should send some money, because on account of the many extraordinary occasions for expense which every day arise, your royal treasury is usually much embarrassed and in debt. Sometimes, for lack of money, important things are left undone.

On Sunday, the ninth of this month, I was in the cathedral, where were gathered all the people and the orders, as there was to be a solemn procession and sermon. The deacon came out to sprinkle the holy water, and went directly to the choir and sprinkled it on the bishop and all the persons who were in the choir. It is the custom to give it first to the Audiencia. When the deacon came back from the choir, your president and auditors told him that if the bishop would not cause precedence to be observed for the Audiencia, they would go to hear service elsewhere. When the bishop learned this, he left the church immediately, and sent orders to the preacher not to preach; and we were left without a sermon, to the great scandal of the people gathered there.

There is nothing else at present. Only I pray that our Lord may preserve your Majesty many years in perfect health, and with increase of greater kingdoms and seigniories, in His holy service. At Manila, July 15, 1589.

The licentiate Ayala. Page 128

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Royal Decree Regarding Commerce

The King: To Gomez Perez Dasmariñas,1 knight of the order of Santiago, and appointed by me governor and captain-general of the Phelipinas Islands. As soon as Father Alonso Sanchez, a religious of the Society of Jesus, came here, ordered and empowered by all the estates of the islands to discuss certain matters regarding the service of our Lord, and the welfare and preservation of the inhabitants and natives of those islands, I ordered certain members of my councils to come together to hear him. This they did, and a thorough examination was made of certain memorials which that religious had been ordered to present.2 After they had consulted Page 129with me upon certain points of the said memorials, I decided, with the approval of the above-mentioned councilors to whom the matter was delegated, upon the following instructions which are given to you. I order you to fulfil your duties, in every respect, with the consideration, care, and diligence which I expect from you. The father has also entreated me, in behalf of the said city, to order that no persons entering the ports of the said islands from without shall be made to pay duties—whether they be Chinese, Portuguese, Japanese, Siamese, Borneans, or any other people whatsoever, especially when they bring provisions, ammunition, and raw material for these articles. These taxes are a grievance to the Chinese, and trade is hindered, and there are other resultant disadvantages, as the said Father Alonso Sanchez has informed me at length; accordingly I have held and do now hold it best that for the present no more of the said duties be levied upon provisions and ammunitions. Therefore you will not permit any duty to be levied until otherwise ordered and decreed. Another advisable measure discussed was that no Chinese or foreign ships could sell at retail the goods which they carried to the islands, as is done now; nor could the inhabitants buy the goods, openly or in secret, under severe penalties. The purchase of the said goods was to be discussed by the Council, and as many and so qualified persons as the business demanded were to be appointed. These persons alone should buy in a lot all the merchandise brought by the ships, and then distribute it fairly among the Page 130citizens, Spanish, the Chinese, and the Indians, at the same price at which it should be appraised. The matter was discussed and examined by the members of the said Council, and it has seemed best to send you the decision reached in this affair, as I now do. I order you, keeping this in mind, to give the orders which you may think acceptable to me. You will keep me informed of your proceedings, and will not permit or allow any person to go to the ships except the ones appointed to do so by a special order. You will endeavor to give products of the islands in exchange for the said merchandise, so as to avoid, if possible, the introduction of so much coin into foreign kingdoms as has been customary. Besides the good results which will follow from carrying out the provisions of the preceding clause, we may expect another of no less importance; and that is, that by enforcing the regulations, not only will you rid yourself of the Chinese retailers, who conceal and sell their merchandise, but there will be also avoided many other losses, expenses, and scarcity, and the secret sins and witchcraft which they teach. Their shops, which are necessary for the sale at retail, could, in the course of the year, be given up to Spaniards, so that they might remain in their possession and bring them profit. Such a course would also bring together a larger number of citizens. You might permit the Chinese Christians and other old inhabitants to remain, who do not come and go, and are not retailers in the true sense of the word; but who work as mechanics, carpenters, gardeners, farmers, and in other labors for food production. Considering the importance of this affair, you are warned not to permit or allow the presence of infidels and retailers in Page 131the said islands; and to prevent their coming together in so large numbers as to give rise to difficulties. All this you will carry out with the care and diligence which I am confident lies in your character and prudence, and the zeal which you will show where my service is concerned. San Lorenzo, August 9, 1589. Page 132

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Instructions to Gomez Perez Dasmarinas

The King: To Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, knight of the order of Santiago, whom I have appointed as my governor and captain-general of the Philipinas Islands.Upon the arrival of Father Alonso Sanchez, a religious of the Society of Jesus, who came, by order and authorization of all estates of the said islands, to confer about certain matters pertaining to the service of our Lord and the welfare and preservation of the inhabitants and natives of the islands,1 I convened certain members of my councils in order that they might hear him. After they had done so, and had examined in great detail certain memorials that the father presented, in accordance with his orders, and had consulted with me in regard to all the points of the said memorials, I resolved, with the advice of the aforesaid my counselors, to whom I committed the matter, upon what will follow here, which will serve as your instructions. I order you to observe and fulfil them to the letter, with the consideration, care, and diligence that I expect from your person. Page 133

2. Infinite thanks should be given our Lord, and I hereby offer them to Him, for the great mercy that He has been pleased to show me, in that, during the period while I, by His mercy and will, rule as king, and through me as the instrument, those so remote islands have been discovered; and that at present, as I have heard, more than two hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants enjoy in those islands evangelical instruction, besides the great inclination which is manifest to spread the knowledge of our holy Catholic faith throughout the other islands with which all that great archipelago is sown and inhabited for the space of more than nine hundred leguas of latitude, and more than five hundred of longitude. This does not include the vast kingdoms of the mainland—China, Cochina, Conchinchina, Champa, Canvoja, Siam, Patan, Joor [Johore], and others—notwithstanding that I wish and desire that a pathway to them be opened. In order that this end be attained, it is necessary that for the present, and until our Lord so dispose and direct it, the conservation of what has been pacified and conquered, by so great labor and at so vast expense to my exchequer, be looked after carefully. I charge you straitly to see to this, taking note of the condition of affairs, what is advisable for their continuous improvement and settlement, and giving them a sound foundation, so that among so many enemies, not only may they be preserved, but continue to increase daily.

3. First: The above-mentioned father, Alonso Sanchez, has reported that the cathedral of those islands, located in the said city of Manila, has no building, ornaments, or other adornments pertaining to the service of divine worship; or income, or alms for Page 134its aid, or in order to provide it with sacristans, verger, or other necessary assistants; and that being, as is the case, in the gaze of so many idolatrous enemies and Mahometans, both natives and foreigners who meet there—especially the Chinese, who have observed this condition—it is very annoying that they should see it served so inadequately and covered with wood and thatch—poor, dilapidated, and without provision. And because it is very just, and in accord with my will and desire, that the above-mentioned church be built and served with all possible propriety, you shall, as soon as you arrive at the said islands, especially further the building and construction of the said church. You shall apportion for this purpose the sum of twelve thousand ducados, in three parts—to wit, one from my royal exchequer, another from the encomenderos, and the third from the Indians, as is done in Nueva España. The said twelve thousand ducados shall be spent upon the said building within four years, spending three thousand each year. And in order that it may be better done and be commenced immediately, I have ordered two thousand ducados paid, in anticipation, on the account of my third, from my royal treasury of the said Nueva España. As you pass there, you will ask them to send this amount.

4. I have been told that there are two hospitals in the said city of Manila—one for Spaniards, and the other for Indians—and that both of them suffer extreme need; for to that of the Spaniards resort many soldiers, sailors, and other poor folk, who become ill through certain exertions in my service, and those common to that country; while that of the Indians is sustained by themselves, by means of their Page 135fruits, work, and tributes. All those who are treated in the latter hospital fall sick in the same manner as the others, and in the foundation and preservation of the settlements. Both classes die in discomfort, through having no building in which to be protected from the ravages of the climate, and through the lack of beds, food, medicines, nurses, and other necessities. It would be advisable to send these supplies from the said Nueva Spaña, together with some blankets. This is, as you see, a work of the greatest charity, and it is especially desirable to assist with great care in the consolation and treatment of the sick. And besides that, you shall have diligence to examine the hospital built there, and ascertain what care is taken of the sick. From the first repartimientos that may become vacant in the said island, you shall apply to the principal hospital sufficient for an income of five thousand pesos annually; and to that of the Indians, five hundred ducados annually, granted from the increase of the tributes of the Indians (which shall be collected in the manner set down in the sixth section of these instructions), so that both may enjoy the said income as long as may be my pleasure. From these amounts the necessary buildings shall be constructed, and other things provided, so that both may be properly conducted. In order that this may be commenced immediately, I have granted four hundred ducados to the principal hospital, and two hundred to that of the Indians, to be paid from my royal treasury of the said Nueva Spaña, as you will see by the decree that will be given you.

5. The said Father Alonso Sanchez also reported that the need of ministers of instruction in the said Page 136islands is so great that many Indians die without baptism; that because of the same need, the conquest and conversion of other islands are neglected; and that it would be advisable to send religious from the orders established there, with instructions to remain there and not go elsewhere. Already permission has been granted and the needful care taken, so that some religious may go there, and others will be provided as soon as possible. All of them shall be notified to resolve upon staying in the said Philipinas Islands, and not to go to any other place without the express permission of the bishop and of yourself. Therefore I charge you that, whenever any religious shall offer themselves to you to leave the said islands, you shall confer with the said bishop, and shall consider and discuss the matter; but you shall grant the said permission only after thorough consideration.

6. Another section of the above-mentioned memorials indicates how instruction may be provided, not only where there is none, but also where there is some, although inadequate; that it would be advisable to increase the tributes and clear up the appraisements of the tributes, for they are at present in a very confused and dangerous condition, because of many scruples and injuries connected with them; and that, as each Indian's tribute has hitherto generally been collected in pesos of eight reals apiece, it should reasonably be raised to the value of ten Castilian reals to each of the said pesos—provided that the Indian may not be forced to pay it in any designated article, but only in money, if he have it, or shall choose to give it, or in some other article produced by him, or in goods acquired in trade, according to their valuation at the time of payment. Because, Page 137after discussing this point, it is believed that each peso may be increased by two reals to make up the ten, as is petitioned, therefore you shall order that this increase be paid into my royal treasury, and that half a real be used to pay the obligations of the tithes, and the other one and one-half reals be used for the pay of the soldiers stationed in the said islands, and for other things pertaining thereto; and that the encomenderos be obliged to pay, from the eight reals remaining, for the necessary instruction, and their share of the building of the church, during the time of its construction, in accordance with the foregoing. The said Indians shall reserve the choice to pay the tributes in money or in products, in whichever one they wish.

7. Another section of the said memorials also petitions that in order that this increase of tributes may be more justifiable, the encomenderos be ordered to pay the tithes, according to the use and custom in Mexico; for, inasmuch as the commonwealth previously had neither church, bishop, curates, nor settled rule, the tithes have not been paid. This is a just order, and as such you shall enforce it, providing that the said tithes due be paid from the products of their farms and their animals.

8. On the part of the said city of Manila, I have been petitioned to have it granted some public property, in order that it may attend to the affairs of peace, war, government, and other matters pertaining to its conservation and defense, and for suits that may arise—granting it for this purpose some Indians, or something from the duties on Chinese merchandise, or on the storehouses or shops where they trade. After advising with my counselors, I have determined Page 138to bestow upon the said city for six years, for its public property, one-half of the fines and pecuniary penalties paid into my treasury, and the incomes from the said storehouses; with the obligation that, each three years, the account of money thus obtained be sent, as well as a statement of what is expended. You shall take care to procure the advancement of the said city in this, to watch in what manner this grant is used, and to order that the said account and statement be sent at the proper time.

9.I have also been petitioned, in the name of the said city, to order that neither in the said city nor in any other part of the other islands shall be paid the three per cent duty2 imposed by Don Gonzalo Ronquillo, as the country is very new and needy, and the inhabitants have to assist in many other things. Although I would be very glad to relieve them, still expenses are so heavy, that I must aid myself by whatever is available. Therefore it will be advisable to collect the said three per cent. You shall give orders to this effect; and that the amount that is collected from these duties on merchandise be placed in my treasury on a separate account, and it shall be used for paying the soldiers stationed there; and that of the rest that is collected this duty be discontinued for the present.3

10. I have also been petitioned, in the name of the said city, to order that none of those who resort from foreign parts to the ports of the said islands—as Page 139Chinese, Portuguese, Japanese, Cianese, Burneyes, or any others—pay duty, especially on food, ammunition, and materials for ammunition. Because of this, much annoyance is caused—as, for instance to the Chinese—and the steady course of trade is hindered, and other troubles follow. After receiving detailed information from the said Father Alonso Sanchez, I have considered and still consider it advisable that, for the present, the collection of the said duties on provisions and ammunition be repealed; and therefore you shall not allow them to be levied until I order and provide otherwise.

11. I was also petitioned by the said islands to order that, inasmuch as none of the merchandise from Sevilla to Mexico pays any duties on the first sale, it be not paid on the merchandise sent from those islands to the port of Acapulco, or other places. So little is collected in said port of Acapulco, namely, twelve pesos per tonelada of freight on the goods of the inhabitants—the duty imposed by Don Gonçalo Ronquillo—and because likewise the proceeds of this duty are needed to pay the said soldiers, you shall order that it be collected for the present for the above purpose.

12. One of the things most conducive to the good government of the state and the happiness of the members and parts composing it, is the equitable administration of distributive justice. Accordingly, I command that the offices at your disposal and the advantageous posts of the country be given to men who merit them by their services and capacity, in such manner that the offices be filled by old citizens, who have lived in the country at least three years, and are citizens of it; and the encomiendas to soldiers who Page 140shall have lived there in actual military duty and service. Among them you should always give the preference to those who are most deserving; including, with the other circumstances of greater and better services in the country, their length of residence there. They must not be sons, brothers, relatives, servants, or friends of yours; for—besides that you are advised that you are not to grant encomiendas of Indians or provide offices to such men; and, with this end in view, a sufficient salary is given you to enable you to help them—it is not right for men who are but new arrivals, and have done no work, to enjoy the fruit of another's toil. If rewards are bestowed justly, all will serve willingly in the hope of attaining reward. Therefore it is my will that you observe this order; and, that it may be thus inviolable, I declare that, now and henceforth, your said sons, brothers, servants, and friends shall be incapable of holding the said encomiendas or offices. And because certain persons, who already hold encomiendas in the said islands, and with these easily [can satisfy] whatever needs they may have, are begging for further reward, you are advised not to grant them any more until many others—who, as I have been informed have been there for so long a time and are deserving, and have toiled in the conquest and maintenance of the country, to a much greater extent than those who are petitioning anew; but who have not been rewarded, and therefore are poor, irritated, and querulous—shall be provided and rewarded with encomiendas and other posts and means of gain. You shall take especial care to reward those whose names follow:

13. Diego Ronquillo, former governor and captain-general Page 141of those islands, who, I am told, exercised the said offices excellently and to the complete satisfaction of the country.

Don Rodrigo Ronquillo de Peñalosa, son of the governor Don Gonçalo Ronquillo.

Captain Antonio Rodriguez Chacon.

Captain Agustin de Arceo.

Captain Don Gonçalo Vallesteras Saavedra.

Captain Diego del Castillo.

Captain Don Juan Ronquillo del Castillo.

Captain Caravallo.

Captain Rodrigo Alvarez.

Captain Gomez de Machuca.

Hernando Muñoz de Poyatos, regidor of Manila.

Ensign Juan de Medrano.

Miguel Rodriguez.

Ensign Antonio Guerrero.

Charavia, an old and good soldier.

Gaspar Ruiz de Morales.

Aguilar, likewise an excellent soldier.

Villalobos.

Bartholome Rodriguez.

Sargeant Cantero.

Gaspar de Ysla.

Ensign Christoval de Azcueta.

Geronimo de Cuellar.

Luis Nuñez Hernandez.

[14]. Others, who are said not to have been there so long, but who are men of worth and account, are as follows:

Don Francisco de Porras y Guevara.

Joan de Alcega.

Don Luis de Velasco.

Don Fernando de Villafañe. Page 142 Christoval Gueral.

Joan Verdugo, who has lost his right arm in my service.

Joan Diaz Guerrero.

Blas Garcia.

Joan de Cuellar.

Gaspar de Mena.

Diego de Çarate, who is returning with you, and who, I have been told, has usually been a commander, and has put down a rebellion, and has served faithfully.

15. You shall provide for and reward all of the above according to age, merits, and individual qualifications; and shall give them preference over all others who do not possess the above qualifications, in the distribution of encomiendas, posts of government and war, and other means for the advancement of the country.

16. I charge and order you to observe the same plan in all that pertains to the commissions and sources of profit, on land or on sea—especially in the choice of masters and officers of vessels. For besides observing, in regard to them, that they must have rendered service and deserve the appointment, the others will be encouraged, it will attract hither those who have gone away, and the country will be settled and increased.

17. I have been petitioned also, in behalf of the said city, that all those who have worked, or have held appointments for wages or pay, in the said islands be paid their wages there—as for instance, sailors, carpenters, smiths, and all others who live there, and they must live there permanently; and that the money for this purpose be paid from the Page 143said royal treasury of Mexico—in order that the country may become more thickly settled, and other good results follow. In regard to this, since there will be a treasury there, from which it may be paid, you shall be careful to order that those who labor be reimbursed fully for their services; and, if there is insufficient money to meet the obligations, you and my royal officials shall advise my officials of the said Nueva España thereof, where an order will be given to furnish that portion which appears, by sufficient testimony and report, to be needful.

18. In place of the third office of my royal treasury—namely, the office of factor, which I ordered to be suppressed—they petition for a ship-purveyor, in order that the vessels may leave better equipped and more promptly; for the other two officials are so busy that they cannot attend to it. As it would be advisable to place this in charge of the factor whom I am having appointed, you shall have care to see that he attends to it, as far as may be necessary, so that there may be no grievance or lack in this matter.

19. In regard to the trade of the said islands, on which their growth likewise depends, the said Father Alonso Sanchez relates that the large consignments of money sent there by wealthy people of Mexico, who do not quit their homes, is one of the things which has ruined the country; for great injuries result from it. The first is that all Chinese goods are bought by wholesale and are becoming dearer, so that the poor and common people of the said islands cannot buy them, or must buy them at extremely high rates. The second is that, as the said consignments are many and large, and the vessels few in number—being at times, and in fact generally, not more than Page 144one; and, by this one being quite laden and filled with goods for Mexicans, there is no space left for the citizens and common people to embark their goods.They have petitioned me that, as a remedy for the above wrongs, I forbid the sending of consignments of money from Mexico, or the maintenance of agents or companies in the said islands for any person of Nueva España; that only the inhabitants of the islands be allowed to buy and export domestic and foreign goods to the said Nueva España; and that, if anyone else wishes to trade and traffic, it must be on consideration of his becoming a citizen and residing there for at least ten years, and of not trading with the property of another, under penalty of its confiscation, besides that of his other personal effects.Since, by this method, some goods would still be sent to Mexico, the money now taken by the Chinese would not be withdrawn from the country, and goods would be bought more cheaply and in exchange for products of the islands.Now, because I am desirous of the advancement of the said islands, and the best interests of their inhabitants, I have therefore granted them by one of my decrees4 that, for the space of six years, only the said inhabitants may trade in China and in the said Nueva España. You shall observe the said decree, and shall not allow anything to be done in any wise contrary to its tenor.

20. The question was also discussed whether it would not be better to prohibit Chinese or other foreign vessels from selling at retail the merchandise that they bring to the said islands (as is done now), and the inhabitants of the country from buying those goods, in public or private, under heavy penalties; Page 145and to provide that, for the purchase of the said merchandise in bulk, as many and as capable persons as the matter requires be there deputed and appointed, so that they, and they alone, may buy in mass all the goods brought in the vessels, and afterward divide them among the Spanish, Chinese, and Indian inhabitants, with just and fair distribution, at the same prices which they paid for them. After discussion and conference by the members of the said assembly, it was decided to refer the entire matter to you, as I hereby do. I order you, since you will have the matter in hand, to ordain therein what you deem best. You shall advise me of what you do, and shall not permit or allow any person to go to the vessels except those assigned for that purpose, in the order that shall be prescribed. You shall see that their said merchandise is exchanged for other products of the islands, so that the taking of so much coin as is now carried to foreign kingdoms may be avoided.

21. In addition to the good effects, that, it is said, will result from the execution of what is ordered in the above section, it is presupposed that another, no less important, will follow—namely, that, through the operations of the aforesaid, the Chinese hucksters who lurk there and hawk their goods, will not stay there. Moreover, other very heavy expenses and increase in prices, and the secret sins and sorceries which they teach, would be avoided; while their shops, which are necessary for retail trade, in the course of the year could be given to Spaniards, so that the profits could remain among the Spaniards, and there would be an opportunity for more persons to acquire citizenship. The Chinese Christians and other old citizens who are not transients, or who are Page 146not expressly hucksters, but workmen—such as mechanics, carpenters, gardeners, farmers, or those engaged in other food trades—might be permitted to remain there. Inasmuch as this is a matter of importance, you are advised not to permit or allow any infidel hucksters in the said islands; or so many to become residents there that they may give rise to any trouble.

22. Should you consider it advisable to permit and allow the inhabitants of the said islands to go to Japon, Macan, or other kingdoms, or settlements, whether of Portuguese or heathen, in order that those countries may admit our commerce, you may do so—first taking especial care that no trouble arises therefrom, and that it is attended with no danger.

23. You shall cause the fifty settlers and fifty farmers whom you are to take with you to assemble, and go with you, according to the order contained in my decree that treats of this. In order to incline them to make the voyage, you shall give them the rewards and privileges which I have granted to them, which you shall maintain to the utmost. You shall take especial care that they attend to their settlement and farming; and that for the space of fifteen years, they and the Indians who aid and accompany them in their farming are not to be compelled to go to war, or to engage in any other personal service, such as manning the vessels, building, or any other services which may hinder or fatigue them. And since it is fair that, if these rewards and accommodations are given them, they, on their part, engage only in the work for which they go; and since peaceful men who are not forced from their trade and mode of living, apply themselves Page 147better, you shall see to it that those who enlist and are taken be married farmers, of humble estate and quiet disposition. From each one of them you shall take accredited bonds, to the amount that seems advisable to you, that for the period of six years they will not change to any other occupation or means of gain, or do anything else beyond the thing for which they enlisted, under the penalties which you may impose, and which you shall inflict.

24. You shall see that the chiefs and timagua Indians have just contracts and shares with the farmers, so that they may conceive a liking for and learn farming as practiced here; and so that the Spaniards may have those who can supply them with people and other necessities. You shall see that these Indians are intelligent and know how to keep their contracts with the farmers, especially if they are peaceful, as above stated.

25. The said islands, as I am told, need stallions, mares, cows, and other domestic animals. In order that they may be bred there in numbers, I am writing to the viceroy of Nueva España to send to the said islands twelve mares, two stallions, twenty-four cows, and two bulls. You shall ask him for these as you pass there, and shall take them with you in your vessels as you go upon your voyage; and whatever you think needful for the animals can be brought from China and Japon. You shall order those farmers who are about to go to the said islands, and the chiefs, to tame and breed buffaloes, so that with all these animals there may be a sufficiency to carry on the farming, and for other needful services.

26. It was also petitioned in behalf of the said islands that, now and henceforth, the encomiendas be Page 148given under the obligation and condition that the encomendero shall work a patch of ground, and assist the farmers and Indians, so that they also may work and cultivate the soil. You shall strive to begin this, and shall give lands and homesteads, farms and horses, for breeding and farming, to the settlers and farmers, without any prejudice to the Indians.

27. Upon your arrival at the said islands, you shall find out how and where, and with what endowment, a convent of secluded girls may be established, so that both those who go from here, and those born there may stay in it, and live respectably and well instructed, and go out therefrom to be married and bear children. By this method and by the naturalization of persons in the land, its population will increase continually. You shall endeavor to find some good plan or method for doing this without encroaching on my royal treasury, or so that it may be relieved as much as possible. You shall advise me of it on the first opportunity, as well as of the method that can be employed in endowing the said poor girls; and how and from what source other smaller dowries may be established, in order that the Indian women may marry poor Spanish soldiers and sailors.

28. In regard to what is petitioned by the said islands about appointing citizens of the islands to the posts therein, and not selling the offices, as former governors have tried to do, you shall look to it carefully, and favor and reward the citizens.

29. Further, it was proposed also that, as far as the natural fitness of the land and the settlements of the Indians permitted, it would be advisable to order that encomiendas of not less than eight hundred or one thousand Indians be granted, for there are tithes Page 149for the instruction, and the other expenses of maintenance, which small encomiendas cannot bear; and that those who have but few Indians be allowed to transfer or sell them at their pleasure to other and neighboring encomenderos, so that, by this union, the encomiendas may be larger, and may be able to meet the above expenses. Inasmuch as all matters pertaining to the sale of encomiendas have been enacted with great care, and it is not fitting to violate these enactments, you shall not permit this request. But you shall see to it carefully that the repartimientos have enough for instruction, and for the maintenance of the encomenderos. You shall endeavor to establish the Indians in settlements, which shall have adequate instruction. This you shall attend to with the most rigorous care and attention.

30. Among the things most wasteful of property, and which embarrass, and may cause harm in, a country so new, because of the animosity and quarrels resulting therefrom, are the suits and controversies engendered among the citizens, and among the Indians themselves. Although it is my will that complete justice be observed in each case, I charge you that, in so far as may be possible, and can be rightly done, you settle the differences and suits which arise, without having recourse to the technicalities of the law or proceeding by the ordinary methods, or condemning to pecuniary fines; but observing throughout the provisions of the decrees that shall be given you. And in order that all may enjoy the blessings which must ensue from so mild a government, and may live in ease and contentment, and without any perturbation in the great undertakings that, God helping, will be accomplished, I am writing in like Page 150tenor to the bishop of the said islands in regard to what touches their ecclesiastical service. You shall give him my letter, which shall be delivered to you, and you shall charge him straitly in my name.

31. I have been informed that there has been and is poor system, and worse observance and fulfilment of the ordinances, in the collection of the tributes of the disaffected or never-pacified encomiendas; and that it would be advisable to command that the ordinances be kept, and that, since such encomiendas ought not to be abandoned, at least the entire tributes should not be collected, but only a small portion of them, as a token of recognition. For since the Indians of the said encomiendas receive no spiritual or temporal benefit from their encomenderos, it is not right that they pay the tributes—especially as soldiers are sent annually to make the collection. This latter renders impossible the pacification of the country; and hence a large portion of the said islands are in revolt, and we must subdue Burney, Maluco, Mindanao, and other neighboring islands and mainlands. This matter demands much reform as you may plan. Therefore I charge you to ordain for this purpose what you may deem best, after consulting with the bishop; and that you carry your resolution into prompt and rigorous execution, in order that so great and injurious annoyances may cease.

32. As I have been informed, there is but little instruction in the said islands, and much difficulty in providing it, which is greatly increased by the natural conditions of the country, since it all consists of islands. Most of them, too, are so small that they do not have a population of more than three to five hundred Indians, and some even of less than one or two Page 151hundred. It is also prevented by the long and dangerous navigation, the heat, the rains, and the poor roads of the country. It is not right that even all of these, or the many other greater hindrances and difficulties should turn aside the accomplishment of what is so important. Therefore I order and charge you straitly that, immediately upon your arrival in the said islands, you shall note very particularly how this instruction can be furnished. After ascertaining the opinion of the bishop, with whom you shall meet and whom you shall charge, in my name, to aid in this matter with his person, as I expect from him—since, in truth, this matter is one for him to procure and bring about, by reason of his office—you shall enact what you consider advisable, so that all parts of the islands may have sufficient instruction. This shall be done with kind and gentle methods, in accordance with the will of the chiefs; and all the Indians who are dispersed shall be established in settlements, in order that account of them can be taken. You shall have the greatest care possible in procuring the accomplishment of what is ordained and enacted, since without that all the work will be lost.

33. Since I desire the welfare and conservation of the said Indians, and their protection and defense, and as I think that the said bishop can procure this better than anyone else, I am writing to him, and charging him with their protection. I am quite sure that he will be very glad to undertake this, inasmuch as it pertains to the service of our Lord and the relief of his conscience. And in order that everything may be done better and more smoothly, you shall maintain the best of relations throughout with the said Page 152bishop; and on your part, you shall have the greatest care to protect the said Indians and to aid them.

34. I have been informed that, because the soldiers who are stationed in the said islands receive no pay, nor have any other remuneration, they obey orders very unwillingly, and are discontented, since they endure the greatest poverty and affliction; that they are all spiritless, sick, necessitous, and compelled to become servants. Many die from their discontent, hunger, lack of comfort, and less provision for their sicknesses; and others escape by claiming to be married, sick, or bound to religion. As a consequence, the country has fallen into disrepute, and men of the requisite valor and quality do not go there, but only a very few poor, unarmed, and worthless men. If any of these do have weapons, they pawn or sell them for clothes and food. Their needs constrain them to commit injuries upon the natives, so that the latter are irritated. It is said that not only is there no increase in what has been conquered, but that even that pacification is becoming more doubtful each day; that domestic and neighboring enemies are being aroused; and that all of this would be remedied by giving pay to the said soldiers, who should be regularly and promptly paid. Inasmuch as it is my will that this be done, it was decided, after having considered how many soldiers it is necessary and advisable to maintain usually in the said islands, that there be four hundred soldiers; and that each one receive a monthly wage of six pesos, the captains thirty-five, the ensigns twenty, the sergeants ten, and the corporals seven. Also that the sum of one thousand pesos additional pay be distributed annually and proportionally among all of the companies, each person Page 153not to receive more than ten pesos each year; and that this additional pay be given according to the order and manner set forth in the decree that will be handed you. You shall order that the said soldiers be regularly paid, and see that they are satisfied, armed, and well disciplined; that the said number of four hundred soldiers be not lessened; and that they be divided into what companies you deem fitting. When you shall appoint the said captains, officers, or soldiers to any encomienda or other post, you shall not permit them to draw their pay any longer; and while they receive pay they cannot trade or traffic, for their solicitude in that pursuit necessarily occupies their minds and distracts them from their proper object and the practice of war. For the same reason, likewise, you shall not grant the said pay to any soldier who acts as servant to another person, whoever he may be. Whenever any repartimientos of Indians become vacant in the said islands, you shall apportion some of the Indians to my crown, as an aid toward the said pay.

35. In respect to the said captains, officers, and soldiers, you shall observe, and cause to be observed, their privilege of exemption from arrest for debt contracted while they were in the service; or the seizure of their weapons, horses, or other things needful and proper to military service, in satisfaction therefor.

36. Whenever you shall send any captain with men on any commission or business that arises, you shall order him also to maintain his privileges, in whatever pertains to the usual exercise of the power and authority requisite to command, direct, and punish his inferiors; as well as all the other things Page 154peculiar to the service, and which are conceded to and exercised by officers.

37. It is my will that you have a body-guard of twelve halberdiers, who shall be paid the same sum as the soldiers. The said halberdiers shall have a leader or captain, who shall receive pay of fifteen pesos monthly. Although their principal service shall be to act as a body-guard, and this is determined and ordained by that which pertains to the authority and dignity of your position, you shall take note that they also must go to war upon any occasion that arises.

38. Inasmuch as I have been informed that many of the soldiers, who are sent to the said islands from Nueva España, are mere lads, mestizos, and a few Indians, and unarmed; and that a portion of them are pages and servants of the captains or other persons, who under the title and name of soldier draw their pay but neither they nor their masters are soldiers: you shall allow none of them to be enrolled as soldiers unless they are more than fifteen years old; and accept no page or servant of any person, while he serves as such, as above stated. You shall receive only those mestizos who are worthy, but shall not open a gateway for this in general. I charge and recommend you to pay especial attention to this.

39. Immediately upon your arrival at the said islands, you shall give orders to enclose the city of Manila with stone, along that portion where it is necessary and advisable, and on the other sides by water. You shall construct a fort in the place assigned and deemed best there. You shall erect a tower at the junction and point made by the river and sea. All this shall be very thoroughly done, and with most careful planning and consideration; and shall Page 155be done at the least possible expense to my treasury—since, as you know, the buildings can be constructed there with great ease and cheapness.

40. You shall assign what garrison you judge advisable to the said fort and tower, so that the country may be defended, and that they may check the designs and hopes of the enemy, and the fear of revolts and risings.

41. Although you ought to live in great vigilance and the continual caution demanded for the conservation of a country so new, distant, and surrounded by enemies, you must beware chiefly of five classes of them. First, of the natives of the land, who are numerous, and but partially settled and established in the faith. Second, of four or five thousand Chinese Indians who live there, and go back and forth in their tradings. Third, of the Japanese who usually go thither. Fourth, of the natives of Maluco and Borney, who are aroused, and already display themselves boldly and openly. Fifth and chiefly, of the Lutheran English pirates who infest those coasts. In order to check their incursions, and present a superior force and defense to them all, you shall construct another fort in Yllocos or Cagayan, to oppose the Japanese and Chinese robbers; a second in Cebu, to oppose the Borneans and Malucos; a third in Panpanga, to oppose the Çambales. All shall be located in places where they may be effectual, and shall be carefully planned and substantially built by good engineers. The cost will be very little, because of the great abundance of materials, and because almost all of the Indians are workmen. You are to see that each fort has an adequate and desirable garrison.

42. Besides these forts and presidios, it is presupposed Page 156that a moderate-sized fleet of a few galleys or fragatas would be necessary, to cruise along the coasts in order to protect them, and to prevent the thefts and injuries wont to be committed along them by the Japanese, especially in the districts of Cagayan and Ylocos. They seize the Chinese vessels that bring food and merchandise to the said islands, whereby great loss is suffered, and commerce and plenty checked. This fleet would also serve to prevent the Chinese, when they are returning to their own country, from going among the said islands and committing depredations on the natives of them, and as a countercheck to other Chinese or Bornean pirates, as well as against all other undertakings, and troubles with foreigners. This appears advisable to me, and desirable. Therefore, as soon as you shall arrive at the said island, you shall construct six or eight galleys. You shall note what Doctor Sande, my former governor of those islands, and Father Alonso Sanchez say—namely, that it will cost but from one hundred and fifty ducados upward; and that there are, moreover, the necessary accommodations. You shall order these vessels to be well equipped, strengthened, and provisioned, so that they may be effectual. You shall give me an itemized account of the cost of the said galleys and facilities for building them.

43. It is advisable to set about the construction of the said forts and galleys as quickly as possible, in order to avoid the troubles and harm that might ensue if the Spaniards, upon the occasion of any danger from enemies, were compelled to retire inland among the Indians, who are all irritated and offended because of the ill-treatment that they have received; and I charge you straitly with this. Page 157

44. Upon your arrival at those islands, and when the situation is actually before you, you shall investigate the new method and circumstances with which the new entrances and pacifications are and can be justifiably made, as well as the few soldiers, slight cost, and the great ease and profit with which they can be made, because of the country being divided into many islands, and there being many petty rulers. These fall out among themselves on slight occasion, and make treaties with the Spaniards, and hence are kept in order with but little assistance. Since the petition made there in regard to the pay and the number of soldiers has been granted—and you are to maintain the soldiers in good discipline, and keep them quiet, and punctually paid—you shall make the said entrances and pacifications with great circumspection and just cause, in which you shall observe the rules of the instructions, which shall be furnished to you, regarding new discoveries.

45. It is said that there is great need of such pacification in the said islands, especially in the very districts where the Spaniards live and travel, for all of the natives are in revolt and unsubdued, because of the lack of soldiers, and of the injuries and annoyances inflicted upon the natives by what soldiers are there. Moreover, as we are informed from there, many provinces of the island of Luçon either have never been subdued, or, if subdued, have revolted—as, for instance, those of Cagayan, Pangasinan, Payasondan, Çambales, Balente, and others, which are situated among the pacified provinces quite near and round about Manila; all the provinces, therefore, are in confusion and disorder. Upon your arrival at the said islands, you shall ordain in this whatever is advisable. Page 158You shall proceed in this as shall seem expedient, commencing as shall be right, and be attentive to the remedy for these evils, with very special care and assistance, since evil may happen to what is distant, if one's own house is left in suspicion and unsubdued. Besides there is the great obligation to endeavor to instruct the many people converted already, who are under my royal protection. These, because of their lack of the requisite peace and quiet, live in great hardship and danger; for those who are in revolt and unpacified harass them daily, kill and assault them, and burn their crops. Because of this, and because they also kill many Spaniards, not only is there no increase in what has been gained, but each day that is becoming less. Everything demands and requires so prompt a remedy, which is thus committed to you.

46. Beyond and beside the said provinces which are here and there disaffected among the Spaniards and the Indians already converted, are others, which although not so near, owing to their remoteness and the nature of their inhabitants, still cannot be called new discoveries, because they have been visited and known already. These are Babuyanes, the island of Hermosa, the island of Cavallos [“horses”], Lequios, the island of Ayncio, Javas, Burney, Paca, Guancalanyanes, Mindanao, Siao [Siam], Maluco, and many others. Because it has been reported that they are falling into a worse condition daily, and having been advised that their welfare and the safety of the Spaniards demand their pacification, and that delay might render it difficult, you shall ascertain the manner and method with which the said pacification and subjection can be best and most quickly brought Page 159about, and you shall execute it, as seems best to you.

47. Since it seems advisable that you, from whom I expect so much, should have authority and power to make all the said entrances and pacifications at the cost of my royal estate, in respect to which if you were constrained to await a reply from here, in a land so distant, important occasions and opportunities might be lost, I have resolved to give you authorization for this. Accordingly I grant it to you, and order the officials of my royal estate of the said islands that, in all matters under your control, they shall honor and pay all the orders that you present to them for the said purpose. But you shall observe that you are to use the said authority only in the most important matters which shall arise, after consulting about matters of law with the ecclesiastics and the lawyers, and those of action with the captains and men of experience and conscience, and taking account of all other necessary conditions, so that the expense may be no greater than can be avoided, and profitable.

48. In order that you may accomplish them better and avoid expense, I authorize you to covenant and bargain with captains, encomenderos, and any others, in respect to the said entrances and pacifications, they to make them wholly or partly at their own cost, as seems advisable to you; and to give them title, for a limited time, as governors of the islands or provinces that they explore or pacify, and as captains and masters-of-camp, providing you do not give them title as adelantado or mariscal. You shall advise me of it, when anyone undertakes this, reporting the services, capacity, and merits of such person. The said covenant and agreement which you shall make may be kept in force until I approve them, because time Page 160will be saved thus—but with the condition of sending them to me, so that I may confirm them. You shall bind the parties to the agreement, upon the arrival of the said confirmations, to some brief period, such as you may assign for it.

49. I have been told that, although a few of the encomenderos of the said islands, who fear God and their consciences, are trying to establish ministers of religious instruction in their encomiendas, others are not doing this, and refuse to do it as they are obliged, and as is advisable, notwithstanding that there are plenty of the said ministers; that there are encomiendas which have been paying tribute peacefully for fifteen, twenty, or twenty-five years, without the Indians of them ever having seen a minister or heard a word of Christian instruction; and that also many other encomiendas pay tribute by pure force of soldiers and arquebuses, who rebel and revolt because of the oppression and severity with which they are treated, without knowing the reason why they should pay it, since they have no instruction. Since, besides the obligation to procure the welfare of those souls, their conversion, instruction, and teaching, which should be the chief constraining force; and since even for temporal affairs, for the peace and tranquillity of the country, so that those pacified should not revolt, and so that those in revolt should be subdued, the best method is that of instruction—for which the common treatment, mildness, upright life, and counsels of the religious and ministers of the gospel incline and regulate their minds: therefore I charge you that, after consulting with the bishop you shall, in my name, provide what is advisable in this, so that the necessary instruction may be furnished, that my Page 161conscience, and his, and your own may be relieved.

50. I have also been informed that, in collecting the tributes from the Indians, there has been in the past, and is at present, great disorder, because the former governors of the said islands have done things very confusedly and haphazardly. Because the tribute of each Indian is of the value of eight reals, paid in what the Indian might possess, some persons take advantage of certain words of the said assessments, and of the articles in which tributes are designated—such as cotton cloth, rice, and other products of the country—to cause the said lawlessness. This disorder has consisted in each one collecting whatever he wished, to the great offense and injury of the said Indians; for when gold is abundant, their encomenderos demand coin from the Indians; and when coin is abundant and gold scarce, they demand gold, although the said Indians have to search for and buy it. In short, they always demand their tributes in those things which are scarce, by reason of which, for the tribute worth eight reals, some collect fifteen, and others twenty, twenty-five, thirty, and more, according to the value of those things that are demanded. They cause the Indians to seek them and bring them from other parts, to their great vexation and affliction. It is advisable to check this lawlessness and excess. Therefore I charge you to ordain that, in the payment of the said tributes, the order referred to in section six of these instructions shall be observed. That section treats of the Indians being allowed to pay their tributes in coin, gold, or products, as they may choose.

51. Another section of the said memorial also pointed out that, although certain Spaniards of tender Page 162conscience have freed their slaves, native to the said islands, in fulfilment of the provision of my decrees, many others have retained them, and do not allow them to have houses of their own, or to live on their own land under the ordinary instruction. It is advisable to remedy this also; and I therefore commit it to you, and order you that, immediately upon your arrival at the said islands, you shall set at liberty all those Indians held as slaves by the Spaniards.

52. I am informed that the said Indians have suffered many grievances and burdens from all the ministers of justice, because the latter have incited many suits, not only of cases after the country was discovered, but of others that had happened in its pagan days, among both the living and their forefathers, and both civil and criminal cases. These are not summary, but have all the terms, demands, preliminary hearings, and reviews, which can be found in any chancilleria of these kingdoms. In these the Indians have wasted and continue to waste their possessions. Although in section twenty-nine of these instructions, it treats of what you and the bishop have to do or provide as a remedy for these vexations of suits by Spaniards and Indians, once more I charge you and recommend you to strive to have the suits finished and decided promptly and summarily. You must take note that this will be one of the matters in which I shall consider myself most faithfully and fully served by you.

53. In regard to the confusion existing, past and present, in the religious leaving the said islands for the mainland of China and other places, without permission of the governor or bishop—asserting that, through their all-sufficient power, those who hinder Page 163them shall be excommunicated—the advisable course has also been pointed out in time past—namely, that the religious should go there with the resolution to settle in the said Philipinas Islands, and not go elsewhere without your permission and that of the said bishop. This must be construed in respect to the religious who shall have been assigned to make a settlement and to live there, and not with those who have license from me to pass farther and to go to other regions; for when this is given or permitted to them, it is after much consideration.

54. It has been said that, for the remedy of past confusion and wrongs, which have resulted from people going from the said islands to China and other districts without order or permission, it would be advisable to ordain, under severe penalties, that no secular Spaniard may leave them for any place or on any business, or supply a fragata, provisions, or any other assistance to any of the said religious, without my special order, or your permission and that of the said bishop. Inasmuch as this fits in with the provision of the above section, the same provision there is to be noted by you, so that likewise you may know what pertains to this, and doing that you shall understand it thoroughly.

You shall attend to all of the above with the care and close attention that I expect from your character and prudence, and from your earnest zeal in affairs touching my service. San Lorenço, August nine, one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine.

I The King

By order of the king, our sovereign:

Juan de Ybarra

Countersigned by the council. Page 164

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Customs of the Tagalogs

(Two Relations by Juan de Plasencia, O.S.F.)

After receiving your Lordship's letter, I wished to reply immediately; but I postponed my answer in order that I might first thoroughly inform myself in regard to your request, and to avoid discussing the conflicting reports of the Indians, who are wont to tell what suits their purpose.Therefore, to this end, I collected Indians from different districts—old men, and those of most capacity, all known to me; and from them I have obtained the simple truth, after weeding out much foolishness, in regard to their government, administration of justice, inheritances, slaves, and dowries.1 It is as follows:

Customs of the Tagalogs

This people always had chiefs, called by them datos, who governed them and were captains in their wars, and whom they obeyed and reverenced. The subject who committed any offense against them, or spoke but a word to their wives and children, was severely punished.

These chiefs ruled over but few people; sometimes Page 165as many as a hundred houses, sometimes even less than thirty. This tribal gathering is called in Tagalo a barangay. It was inferred that the reason for giving themselves this name arose from the fact (as they are classed, by their language, among the Malay nations) that when they came to this land, the head of the barangay, which is a boat, thus called—as is discussed at length in the first chapter of the first ten chapters—became a dato. And so, even at the present day, it is ascertained that this barangay in its origin was a family of parents and children, relations and slaves. There were many of these barangays in each town, or, at least, on account of wars, they did not settle far from one another. They were not, however, subject to one another, except in friendship and relationship. The chiefs, in their various wars, helped one another with their respective barangays.

In addition to the chiefs, who corresponded to our knights, there were three castes: nobles, commoners, and slaves. The nobles were the free-born whom they call maharlica. They did not pay tax or tribute to the dato, but must accompany him in war, at their own expense. The chief offered them beforehand a feast, and afterward they divided the spoils. Moreover, when the dato went upon the water those whom he summoned rowed for him. If he built a house, they helped him, and had to be fed for it. The same was true when the whole barangay went to clear up his lands for tillage. The lands which they inhabited were divided among the whole barangay, especially the irrigated portion, and thus each one knew his own. No one belonging to another barangay would cultivate them unless after purchase or inheritance. The lands on the tingues, or mountain-ridges, Page 166are not divided, but owned in common by the barangay. Consequently, at the time of the rice harvest, any individual of any particular barangay, although he may have come from some other village, if he commences to clear any land may sow it, and no one can compel him to abandon it. There are some villages (as, for example, Pila de la Laguna) in which these nobles, or maharlicas, paid annually to the dato a hundred gantas of rice. The reason of this was that, at the time of their settlement there, another chief occupied the lands, which the new chief, upon his arrival, bought with his own gold; and therefore the members of his barangay paid him for the arable land, and he divided it, among those whom he saw fit to reward. But now, since the advent of the Spaniards, it is not so divided.

The chiefs in some villages had also fisheries, with established limits, and sections of the rivers for markets. At these no one could fish, or trade in the markets, without paying for the privilege, unless he belonged to the chief's barangay or village.

The commoners are called aliping namamahayThey are married, and serve their master, whether he be a dato or not, with half of their cultivated lands, as was agreed upon in the beginning.They accompanied him whenever he went beyond the island, and rowed for him.They live in their own houses, and are lords of their property and gold.Their children inherit it, and enjoy their property and lands.The children, then, enjoy the rank of their fathers, and they cannot be made slaves (sa guiguilir) nor can either parents or children be sold. If they should fall by inheritance into the hands of a son of their master who was going to dwell in another Page 167village, they could not be taken from their own village and carried with him; but they would remain in their native village, doing service there and cultivating the sowed lands.

The slaves are called aliping sa guiguilir. They serve their master in his house and on his cultivated lands, and may be sold. The master grants them, should he see fit, and providing that he has profited through their industry, a portion of their harvests, so that they may work faithfully. For these reasons, servants who are born in the house of their master are rarely, if ever, sold. That is the lot of captives in war, and of those brought up in the harvest fields.

Those to whom a debt was owed transferred the debt to another, thereby themselves making a profit, and reducing the wretched debtors to a slavery which was not their natural lot.If any person among those who were made slaves (sa guiguilir)—through war, by the trade of goldsmith, or otherwise—happened to possess any gold beyond the sum that he had to give his master, he ransomed himself, becoming thus a namamahay, or what we call a commoner. The price of this ransom was never less than five taels, and from that upwards; and if he gave ten or more taels, as they might agree, he became wholly free. An amusing ceremony accompanied this custom. After having divided all the trinkets which the slave possessed, if he maintained a house of his own, they divided even the pots and jars, and if an odd one of these remained, they broke it; and if a piece of cloth were left, they parted it in the middle.

The difference between the aliping namamahay and the aliping sa guiguilir, should be noted; for, by Page 168a confusion of the two terms, many have been classed as slaves who really are not. The Indians seeing that the alcaldes-mayor do not understand this, have adopted the custom of taking away the children of the aliping namamahay, making use of them as they would of the aliping sa guiguilir, as servants in their households, which is illegal, and if the aliping namamahay should appeal to justice, it is proved that he is an aliping as well as his father and mother before him and no reservation is made as to whether he is aliping namamahay or atiping sa guiguilir. He is at once considered an alipin, without further declaration. In this way he becomes a sa guiguilir, and is even sold. Consequently, the alcaldes-mayor should be instructed to ascertain, when anyone asks for his alipin, to which class he belongs, and to have the answer put in the document that they give him.

In these three classes, those who are maharlicas on both the father's and mother's side continue to be so forever; and if it happens that they should become slaves, it is through marriage, as I shall soon explain. If these maharlicas had children among their slaves, the children and their mothers became free; if one of them had children by the slave-woman of another, she was compelled, when pregnant, to give her master half of a gold tael, because of her risk of death, and for her inability to labor during the pregnancy. In such a case half of the child was free—namely, the half belonging to the father, who supplied the child with food. If he did not do this, he showed that he did not recognize him as his child, in which case the latter was wholly a slave. If a free woman had children by a slave, they were all free, provided he were not her husband. Page 169

If two persons married, of whom one was a maharlica and the other a slave, whether namamahay or sa guiguilir, the children were divided: the first, whether male or female, belonged to the father, as did the third and fifth; the second, the fourth, and the sixth fell to the mother, and so on. In this manner, if the father were free, all those who belonged to him were free; if he were a slave, all those who belonged to him were slaves; and the same applied to the mother. If there should not be more than one child he was half free and half slave. The only question here concerned the division, whether the child were male or female. Those who became slaves fell under the category of servitude which was their parent's, either namamahay or sa guiguilir. If there were an odd number of children, the odd one was half free and half slave. I have not been able to ascertain with any certainty when or at what age the division of children was made, for each one suited himself in this respect. Of these two kinds of slaves the sa guiguilir could be sold, but not the namamahay and their children, nor could they be transferred. However, they could be transferred from the barangay by inheritance, provided they remained in the same village.

The maharlicas could not, after marriage, move from one village to another, or from one barangay to another, without paying a certain fine in gold, as arranged among them. This fine was larger or smaller according to the inclination of the different villages, running from one to three taels and a banquet to the entire barangay. Failure to pay the fine might result in a war between the barangay which the person left and the one which he entered. This Page 170applied equally to men and women, except that when one married a woman of another village, the children were afterwards divided equally between the two barangays. This arrangement kept them obedient to the dato, or chief, which is no longer the case—because, if the dato is energetic and commands what the religious fathers enjoin him, they soon leave him and go to other villages and other datos, who endure and protect them and do not order them about. This is the kind of dato that they now prefer, not him who has the spirit to command. There is a great need of reform in this, for the chiefs are spiritless and faint-hearted.

Investigations made and sentences passed by the dato must take place in the presence of those of his barangay. If any of the litigants felt himself aggrieved, an arbiter was unanimously named from another village or barangay, whether he were a dato or not; since they had for this purpose some persons, known as fair and just men, who were said to give true judgment according to their customs. If the controversy lay between two chiefs, when they wished to avoid war, they also convoked judges to act as arbiters; they did the same if the disputants belonged to two different barangays. In this ceremony they always had to drink, the plaintiff inviting the others.

They had laws by which they condemned to death a man of low birth who insulted the daughter or wife of a chief; likewise witches, and others of the same class.

They condemned no one to slavery, unless he merited the death-penalty. As for the witches, they killed them, and their children and accomplices became slaves of the chief, after he had made some Page 171recompense to the injured person. All other offenses were punished by fines in gold, which, if not paid with promptness, exposed the culprit to serve, until the payment should be made, the person aggrieved, to whom the money was to be paid. This was done in the following way: Half the cultivated lands and all their produce belonged to the master. The master provided the culprit with food and clothing, thus enslaving the culprit and his children until such time as he might amass enough money to pay the fine. If the father should by chance pay his debt, the master then claimed that he had fed and clothed his children, and should be paid therefor. In this way he kept possession of the children if the payment could not be met. This last was usually the case, and they remained slaves. If the culprit had some relative or friend who paid for him, he was obliged to render the latter half his service until he was paid—not, however, service within the house as aliping sa guiguilir, but living independently, as aliping namamahay. If the creditor were not served in this wise, the culprit had to pay the double of what was lent him. In this way slaves were made by debt: either sa guiguilir, if they served the master to whom the judgment applied; or aliping namamahay, if they served the person who lent them wherewith to pay.

In what concerns loans, there was formerly, and is today, an excess of usury, which is a great hindrance to baptism as well as to confession; for it turns out in the same way as I have showed in the case of the one under judgment, who gives half of his cultivated lands and profits until he pays the debt. The debtor is condemned to a life of toil; and thus borrowers Page 172become slaves, and after the death of the father the children pay the debt. Not doing so, double the amount must be paid. This system should and can be reformed.

As for inheritances, the legitimate children of a father and mother inherited equally, except in the case where the father and mother showed a slight partiality by such gifts as two or three gold taels, or perhaps a jewel.

When the parents gave a dowry to any son, and, when, in order to marry him to a chief's daughter, the dowry was greater than the sum given the other sons, the excess was not counted in the whole property to be divided. But any other thing that should have been given to any son, though it might be for some necessity, was taken into consideration at the time of the partition of the property, unless the parents should declare that such a bestowal was made outside of the inheritance. If one had had children by two or more legitimate wives, each child received the inheritance and dowry of his mother, with its increase, and that share of his father's estate which fell to him out of the whole. If a man had a child by one of his slaves, as well as legitimate children, the former had no share in the inheritance; but the legitimate children were bound to free the mother, and to give him something—a tael or a slave, if the father were a chief; or if, finally, anything else were given it was by the unanimous consent of all. If besides his legitimate children, he had also some son by a free unmarried woman, to whom a dowry was given but who was not considered as a real wife, all these were classed as natural children, although the child by the unmarried woman should have been begotten Page 173after his marriage. Such children did not inherit equally with the legitimate children, but only the third part. For example, if there were two children, the legitimate one had two parts, and the one of the inaasava one part. When there were no children by a legitimate wife, but only children by an unmarried woman, or inaasava, the latter inherited all. If he had a child by a slave woman, that child received his share as above stated. If there were no legitimate or natural child, or a child by an inaasava, whether there was a son of a slave woman or not, the inheritance went only to the father or grandparents, brothers, or nearest relatives of the deceased, who gave to the slave-child as above stated.

In the case of a child by a free married woman, born while she was married, if the husband punished the adulterer this was considered a dowry; and the child entered with the others into partition in the inheritance. His share equaled the part left by the father, nothing more. If there were no other sons than he, the children and the nearest relatives inherited equally with him. But if the adulterer were not punished by the husband of the woman who had the child, the latter was not considered as his child, nor did he inherit anything. It should be noticed that the offender was not considered dishonored by the punishment inflicted, nor did the husband leave the woman. By the punishment of the father the child was fittingly made legitimate.

Adopted children, of whom there are many among them, inherit the double of what was paid for their adoption. For example, if one gold tael was given that he might be adopted when the first father died, the child was given [in inheritance] two taels. But Page 174if this child should die first, his children do not inherit from the second father, for the arrangement stops at that point.

This is the danger to which his money is exposed, as well as his being protected as a child. On this account this manner of adoption common among them is considered lawful.

Dowries are given by the men to the women's parents. If the latter are living, they enjoy the use of it. At their death, provided the dowry has not been consumed, it is divided like the rest of the estate, equally among the children, except in case the father should care to bestow something additional upon the daughter. If the wife, at the time of her marriage, has neither father, mother, nor grandparents, she enjoys her dowry—which, in such a case, belongs to no other relative or child. It should be noticed that unmarried women can own no property, in land or dowry, for the result of all their labors accrues to their parents.

In the case of a divorce before the birth of children, if the wife left the husband for the purpose of marrying another, all her dowry and an equal additional amount fell to the husband; but if she left him, and did not marry another, the dowry was returned. When the husband left his wife, he lost the half of the dowry, and the other half was returned to him. If he possessed children at the time of his divorce, the whole dowry and the fine went to the children, and was held for them by their grandparents or other responsible relatives.

I have also seen another practice in two villages. In one case, upon the death of the wife who in a year's time had borne no children, the parents returned Page 175one-half the dowry to the husband whose wife had died. In the other case, upon the death of the husband, one-half the dowry was returned to the relatives of the husband. I have ascertained that this is not a general practice; for upon inquiry I learned that when this is done it is done through piety, and that all do not do it.

In the matter of marriage dowries which fathers bestow upon their sons when they are about to be married, and half of which is given immediately, even when they are only children, there is a great deal more complexity. There is a fine stipulated in the contract, that he who violates it shall pay a certain sum which varies according to the practice of the village and the affluence of the individual. The fine was heaviest if, upon the death of the parents, the son or daughter should be unwilling to marry because it had been arranged by his or her parents. In this case the dowry which the parents had received was returned and nothing more. But if the parents were living, they paid the fine, because it was assumed that it had been their design to separate the children.

The above is what I have been able to ascertain clearly concerning customs observed among these natives in all this Laguna and the tingues, and among the entire Tagalo race. The old men say that a dato who did anything contrary to this would not be esteemed; and, in relating tyrannies which they had committed, some condemned them and adjudged them wicked.

Others, perchance, may offer a more extended narrative, but leaving aside irrelevant matters concerning government and justice among them, a summary Page 176of the whole truth is contained in the above. I am sending the account in this clear and concise form because I had received no orders to pursue the work further. Whatever may be decided upon, it is certainly important that it should be given to the alcal-des-mayor, accompanied by an explanation; for the absurdities which are to be found in their opinions are indeed pitiable.

May our Lord bestow upon your Lordship His grace and spirit, so that in every step good fortune may be yours; and upon every occasion may your Lordship deign to consider me your humble servant, to be which would be the greatest satisfaction and favor that I could receive. Nagcarlán, October 21, 1589.

Fray Juan de Plasencia2

Relation of the Worship of the Tagalogs, Their Gods, and Their Burials and Superstitions

In all the villages, or in other parts of the Filipinas Islands, there are no temples consecrated to the performing of sacrifices, the adoration of their idols, or the general practice of idolatry. It is true that they have the name simbahan, which means a temple or place of adoration; but this is because, formerly, Page 177when they wished to celebrate a festival, which they called pandot, or “worship,” they celebrated it in the large house of a chief. There they constructed, for the purpose of sheltering the assembled people, a temporary shed on each side of the house, with a roof, called sibi, to protect the people from the wet when it rained. They so constructed the house that it might contain many people—dividing it, after the fashion of ships, into three compartments. On the posts of the house they set small lamps, called sorihile; in the center of the house they placed one large lamp, adorned with leaves of the white palm, wrought into many designs. They also brought together many drums, large and small, which they beat successively while the feast lasted, which was usually four days. During this time the whole barangay, or family, united and joined in the worship which they call nagaanitos. The house, for the above-mentioned period of time, was called a temple.

Among their many idols there was one called. Badhala, whom they especially worshiped. The title seems to signify “all powerful,” or “maker of all things.” They also worshiped the sun, which, on account of its beauty, is almost universally respected and honored by heathens. They worshiped, too, the moon, especially when it was new, at which time they held great rejoicings, adoring it and bidding it welcome. Some of them also adored the stars, although they did not know them by their names, as the Spaniards and other nations know the planets—with the one exception of the morning star, which they called Tala. They knew, too, the “seven little goats” [the Pleiades]—as we call them—and, consequently, the change of seasons, which they call Mapolon; and Page 178Balatic, which is our Greater Bear. They possessed many idols called lic-ha, which were images with different shapes; and at times they worshiped any little trifle, in which they adored, as did the Romans, some particular dead man who was brave in war and endowed with special faculties, to whom they commended themselves for protection in their tribulations. They had another idol called Dian masalanta, who was the patron of lovers and of generation. The idols called Lacapati and Idianale were the patrons of the cultivated lands and of husbandry. They paid reverence to water-lizards called by them buaya, or crocodiles, from fear of being harmed by them. They were even in the habit of offering these animals a portion of what they carried in their boats, by throwing it into the water, or placing it upon the bank.

They were, moreover, very liable to find auguries in things they witnessed. For example, if they left their house and met on the way a serpent or rat, or a bird called Tigmamanuguin which was singing in the tree, or if they chanced upon anyone who sneezed, they returned at once to their house, considering the incident as an augury that some evil might befall them if they should continue their journey—especially when the above-mentioned bird sang. This song had two different forms: in the one case it was considered as an evil omen; in the other, as a good omen, and then they continued their journey. They also practiced divination, to see whether weapons, such as a dagger or knife, were to be useful and lucky for their possessor whenever occasion should offer.

These natives had no established division of years, months, and days; these are determined by the Page 179cultivation of the soil, counted by moons, and the different effect produced upon the trees when yielding flowers, fruits, and leaves: all this helps them in making up the year. The winter and summer are distinguished as sun-time and water-time—the latter term designating winter in those regions, where there is no cold, snow, or ice.

It seems, however, that now since they have become Christians, the seasons are not quite the same, for at Christmas it gets somewhat cooler. The years, since the advent of the Spaniards, have been determined by the latter, and the seasons have been given their proper names, and they have been divided into weeks.

Their manner of offering sacrifice was to proclaim a feast, and offer to the devil what they had to eat. This was done in front of the idol, which they anoint with fragrant perfumes, such as musk and civet, or gum of the storax-tree and other odoriferous woods, and praise it in poetic songs sung by the officiating priest, male or female, who is called catolonan. The participants made responses to the song, beseeching the idol to favor them with those things of which they were in need, and generally, by offering repeated healths, they all became intoxicated. In some of their idolatries they were accustomed to place a good piece of cloth, doubled, over the idol, and over the cloth a chain or large, gold ring, thus worshiping the devil without having sight of him. The devil was sometimes liable to enter into the body of the catolonan, and, assuming her shape and appearance, filled her with so great arrogance—he being the cause of it—that she seemed to shoot flames from her eyes; her hair stood on end, a fearful sight to those beholding, Page 180and she uttered words of arrogance and superiority.In some districts, especially in the mountains, when in those idolatries the devil incarnated himself and took on the form of his minister, the latter had to be tied to a tree by his companions, to prevent the devil in his infernal fury from destroying him.This, however, happened but rarely.The objects of sacrifice were goats, fowls, and swine, which were flayed, decapitated, and laid before the idol.They performed another ceremony by cooking a jar of rice until the water was evaporated, after which they broke the jar, and the rice was left as an intact mass which was set before the idol; and all about it, at intervals, were placed a few buyos—which is a small fruit3 wrapped in a leaf with some lime, a food generally eaten in these regions—as well as fried food and fruits. All the above-mentioned articles were eaten by the guests at the feast; the heads [of the animals], after being “offered,” as they expressed it, were cooked and eaten also.

The reasons for offering this sacrifice and adoration were, in addition to whatever personal matters there might be, the recovery of a sick person, the prosperous voyage of those embarking on the sea, a good harvest in the sowed lands, a propitious result in wars, a successful delivery in childbirth, and a happy outcome in married life. If this took place among people of rank, the festivities lasted thirty days.

In the case of young girls who first had their monthly courses, their eyes were blindfolded four days and four nights; and, in the meantime, the friends and relatives were all invited to partake of Page 181food and drink. At the end of this period, the catolonan took the young girl to the water, bathed her and washed her head, and removed the bandage from her eyes. The old men said that they did this in order that the girls might bear children, and have fortune in finding husbands to their taste, who would not leave them widows in their youth.

The distinctions made among the priests of the devil were as follows: The first, called catolonan, as above stated, was either a man or a woman. This office was an honorable one among the natives, and was held ordinarily by people of rank, this rule being general in all the islands.

The second they called mangagauay, or witches, who deceived by pretending to heal the sick. These priests even induced maladies by their charms, which in proportion to the strength and efficacy of the witchcraft, are capable of causing death. In this way, if they wished to kill at once they did so; or they could prolong life for a year by binding to the waist a live serpent, which was believed to be the devil, or at least his substance. This office was general throughout the land. The third they called manyisalat, which is the same as magagauay. These priests had the power of applying such remedies to lovers that they would abandon and despise their own wives, and in fact could prevent them from having intercourse with the latter. If the woman, constrained by these means, were abandoned, it would bring sickness upon her; and on account of the desertion she would discharge blood and matter. This office was also general throughout the land.

The fourth was called mancocolam, whose duty it was to emit fire from himself at night, once or oftener Page 182each month. This fire could not be extinguished; nor could it be thus emitted except as the priest wallowed in the ordure and filth which falls from the houses; and he who lived in the house where the priest was wallowing in order to emit this fire from himself, fell ill and died. This office was general.

The fifth was called hocloban, which is another kind of witch, of greater efficacy than the mangagauay. Without the use of medicine, and by simply saluting or raising the hand, they killed whom they chose. But if they desired to heal those whom they had made ill by their charms, they did so by using other charms. Moreover, if they wished to destroy the house of some Indian hostile to them, they were able to do so without instruments. This was in Catanduanes, an island off the upper part of Luzon.

The sixth was called silagan, whose office it was, if they saw anyone clothed in white, to tear out his liver and eat it, thus causing his death. This, like the preceding, was in the island of Catanduanes. Let no one, moreover, consider this a fable; because, in Calavan, they tore out in this way through the anus all the intestines of a Spanish notary, who was buried in Calilaya by father Fray Juan de Mérida.

The seventh was called magtatangal, and his purpose was to show himself at night to many persons, without his head or entrails. In such wise the devil walked about and carried, or pretended to carry, his head to different places; and, in the morning, returned it to his body—remaining, as before, alive. This seems to me to be a fable, although the natives affirm that they have seen it, because the devil probably caused them so to believe. This occurred in Catanduanes. Page 183

The eighth they called osuang, which is equivalent to “sorcerer;” they say that they have seen him fly, and that he murdered men and ate their flesh. This was among the Visayas Islands; among the Tagalos these did not exist.

The ninth was another class of witches called mangagayoma. They made charms for lovers out of herbs, stones, and wood, which would infuse the heart with love. Thus did they deceive the people, although sometimes, through the intervention of the devil, they gained their ends.

The tenth was known as sonat, which is equivalent to “preacher.” It was his office to help one to die, at which time he predicted the salvation or condemnation of the soul. It was not lawful for the functions of this office to be fulfilled by others than people of high standing, on account of the esteem in which it was held. This office was general throughout the islands.

The eleventh, pangatahojan, was a soothsayer, and predicted the future. This office was general in all the islands.

The twelfth, bayoguin, signified a “cotquean,” a man whose nature inclined toward that of a woman.

Their manner of burying the dead was as follows: The deceased was buried beside his house; and, if he were a chief, he was placed beneath a little house or porch which they constructed for this purpose.Before interring him, they mourned him for four days; and afterward laid him on a boat which served as a coffin or bier, placing him beneath the porch, where guard was kept over him by a slave.In place of rowers, various animals were placed within the boat, each one being assigned a place at the oar by twos—Page 184male and female of each species being together—as for example two goats, two deer, or two fowls. It was the slave's care to see that they were fed. If the deceased had been a warrior, a living slave was tied beneath his body until in this wretched way he died. In course of time, all suffered decay; and for many days the relatives of the dead man bewailed him, singing dirges, and praises of his good qualities, until finally they wearied of it. This grief was also accompanied by eating and drinking. This was a custom of the Tagalos.

The Aetas,4 or Negrillos [Negritos] inhabitants of this island, had also a form of burial, but different. They dug a deep, perpendicular hole, and placed the deceased within it, leaving him upright with head or crown unburied, on top of which they put half a cocoa-nut which was to serve him as a shield. Then they went in pursuit of some Indian, whom they killed in retribution for the Negrillo who had died. To this end they conspired together, hanging a certain token on their necks until some one of them procured the death of the innocent one.

These infidels said that they knew that there was another life of rest which they called maca, just as if we should say “paradise,” or, in other words, “village Page 185of rest.” They say that those who go to this place are the just, and the valiant, and those who lived without doing harm, or who possessed other moral virtues. They said also that in the other life and mortality, there was a place of punishment, grief, and affliction, called casanaan, which was “a place of anguish;” they also maintained that no one would go to heaven, where there dwelt only Bathala, “the maker of all things,” who governed from above. There were also other pagans who confessed more clearly to a hell, which they called, as I have said, casanaan; they said that all the wicked went to that place, and there dwelt the demons, whom they called sitan.

All the various kinds of infernal ministers were, therefore, as has been stated: catolonan; sonat (who was a sort of bishop who ordained priestesses and received their reverence, for they knelt before him as before one who could pardon sins, and expected salvation through him); mangagauay, manyisalat, mancocolam, hocloban, silagan, magtatangal, osuan, mangagayoma, pangatahoan5

There were also ghosts, which they called vibit; and phantoms, which they called Tigbalaang. They had another deception—namely, that if any woman died in childbirth, she and the child suffered punishment; and that, at night, she could be heard lamenting. This was called patianac. May the honor and glory be God our Lord's, that among all the Tagalos not a trace of this is left; and that those who are now marrying do not even know what it is, thanks to the preaching of the holy gospel, which has banished it. Page 186

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