A Journal of the First Voyage of Vasco da Gama 1497-1499

On Thursday [April 19] the captain-major and Nicolau Coelho rowed along the front of the town, bombards having been placed in the poops of their long-boats.Many people were along the shore, and among them two horsemen, who appeared to take much delight in a sham-fight.The king was carried in a palanquin from the stone steps of his palace to the side of the captain-major’s boats.He again begged the captain to come ashore, as he had a helpless father who wanted to see him, and that he and his sons would go on board the ships as hostages.The captain, however, excused himself.129

We found here four vessels belonging to Indian Christians. When they came for the first time on board Paulo da Gama’s ship, the captain-major being there at the time, they were shown an altar-piece representing Our Lady at the foot of the cross, with Jesus Christ in her arms and the apostles around her. When the Indians saw this picture they prostrated themselves, and as long as we were there they came to say their prayers in front of it, bringing offerings of cloves, pepper, and other things.130

These Indians are tawny men; they wear but little clothing and have long beards and long hair, which they braid.They told us that they ate no beef.Their language differs from that of the Arabs, but some of them know a little of it, as they hold much intercourse with them.

On the day on which the captain-major went up to the town in the boats, these Christian Indians fired off many bombards from their vessels, and when they saw him pass they raised their hands and shouted lustily Christ!Christ!131

That same night they asked the king’s permission to give us a night-fête.And when night came they fired off many bombards, sent up rockets, and raised loud shouts.

These Indians warned the captain-major against going on shore, and told him not to trust to their “fanfares”, as they neither came from their hearts nor from their good will.

On the following Sunday, the 22nd of April, the king’s zavra brought on board one of his confidential servants, and as two days had passed without any visitors, the captain-major had this man seized, and sent word to the king that he required the pilots whom he had promised. The king, when he received this message, sent a Christian pilot,132 and the captain-major allowed the gentleman, whom he had retained in his vessel, to go away.

We were much pleased with the Christian pilot whom the king had sent us.We learnt from him that the island of which we heard at Moçambique as being inhabited by Christians was in reality an island subject to this same King of Moçambique; that half of it belonged to the Moors and the other half to the Christians; that many pearls were to be found there, and that it was called Quyluee.133 This is the island the Moorish pilots wanted to take us to, and we also wished to go there, for we believed that what they said was true.

The town of Malindi lies in a bay and extends along the shore.It may be likened to Alcouchette.134 Its houses are lofty and well white-washed, and have many windows; on the landside are palm-groves, and all around it maize and vegetables are being cultivated.

We remained in front of this town during nine days,135 and all this time we had fêtes, sham-fights, and musical performances (“fanfares”).

[Across the Gulf—the Arabian Sea.]

We left Malindi on Tuesday, the 24th of the month [of April] for a city called Qualecut [Calecut], with the pilot whom the king had given us. The coast there runs north and south, and the land encloses a huge bay with a strait. In this bay,136 we were told, were to be found many large cities of Christians and Moors, including one called Quambay [Cambay], as also six-hundred known islands, and within it the Red Sea and the “house” [Kaabah] of Mecca.

On the following Sunday [April 29] we once more saw the North Star, which we had not seen for a long time.

On Friday, the 18th of May,137 after having seen no land for twenty-three days,138 we sighted lofty mountains, and having all this time sailed before the wind we could not have made less than 600 leagues. The land, when first sighted,139 was at a distance of eight leagues, and our lead reached bottom at forty-five fathoms. That same night we took a course to the S. S. W. , so as to get away from the coast. On the following day [May 19] we again approached the land, but owing to the heavy rain and a thunderstorm,140 which prevailed whilst we were sailing along the coast, our pilot was unable to identify the exact locality. On Sunday [May 20] we found ourselves close to some mountains,141 and when we were near enough for the pilot to recognise them he told us that they were above Calecut, and that this was the country we desired to go to.

[Calecut.]

[Arrival.] That night [May 20] we anchored two leagues from the city of Calecut, and we did so because our pilot mistook Capua,142 a town at that place, for Calecut. Still further143 there is another town called Pandarani144 We anchored about a league and a half from the shore. After we were at anchor, four boats (almadias) approached us from the land, who asked of what nation we were.We told them, and they then pointed out Calecut to us.

On the following day [May 21] these same boats came again alongside, when the captain-major sent one of the convicts145 to Calecut, and those with whom he went took him to two Moors from Tunis, who could speak Castilian and Genoese.146 The first greeting that he received was in these words: “May the Devil take thee! What brought you hither?” They asked what he sought so far away from home, and he told them that we came in search of Christians and of spices. They said: “Why does not the King of Castile, the King of France, or the Signoria of Venice send hither?”He said that the King of Portugal would not consent to their doing so, and they said he did the right thing.After this conversation they took him to their lodgings and gave him wheaten bread and honey.When he had eaten he returned to the ships, accompanied by one of the Moors, who was, no sooner on board, than he said these words: “A lucky venture, a lucky venture!Plenty of rubies, plenty of emeralds!You owe great thanks to God, for having brought you to a country holding such riches!”We were greatly astonished to hear his talk, for we never expected to hear our language spoken so far away from Portugal.147

[A description of Calecut.] The city of Calecut is inhabited by Christians.They are of a tawny complexion.Some of them have big beards and long hair, whilst others clip their hair short or shave the head, merely allowing a tuft to remain on the crown as a sign that they are Christians.They also wear moustaches.They pierce the ears and wear much gold in them.They go naked down to the waist, covering their lower extremities with very fine cotton stuffs.But it is only the most respectable who do this, for the others manage as best they are able.148

The women of this country, as a rule, are ugly and of small stature. They wear many jewels of gold round the neck, numerous bracelets on their arms, and rings set with precious stones on their toes.All these people are well-disposed and apparently of mild temper.At first sight they seem covetous and ignorant.

[A messenger sent to the King].When we arrived at Calecut the king was fifteen leagues away.149 The captain-major sent two men150 to him with a message, informing him that an ambassador had arrived from the King of Portugal with letters, and that if he desired it he would take them to where the king then was.

The king presented the bearers of this message with much fine cloth.He sent word to the captain bidding him welcome, saying that he was about to proceed to Qualecut (Calecut).As a matter of fact, he started at once with a large retinue.

[At Anchor at Pandarani, May 27].A pilot accompanied our two men, with orders to take us to a place called Pandarani, below the place [Capua] where we anchored at first.At this time we were actually in front of the city of Calecut.We were told that the anchorage at the place to which we were to go was good, whilst at the place we were then it was bad, with a stony bottom, which was quite true;151 and, moreover, that it was customary for the ships which came to this country to anchor there for the sake of safety. We ourselves did not feel comfortable, and the captain-major had no sooner received this royal message than he ordered the sails to be set, and we departed. We did not, however, anchor as near the shore as the king’s pilot desired.

When we were at anchor, a message arrived informing the captain-major that the king was already in the city. At the same time the king sent a bale,152 with other men of distinction, to Pandarani, to conduct the captain-major to where the king awaited him. This bale is like an alcaide, and is always attended by two hundred men armed with swords and bucklers.As it was late when this message arrived, the captain-major deferred going.

[Gama goes to Calecut.] On the following morning, which was Monday, May 28th, the captain-major set out to speak to the king, and took with him thirteen men, of whom I was one.153 We put on our best attire, placed bombards in our boats, and took with us trumpets and many flags. On landing, the captain-major was received by the alcaide, with whom were many men, armed and unarmed. The reception was friendly, as if the people were pleased to see us, though at first appearances looked threatening, for they carried naked swords in their hands. A palanquin was provided for the captain-major, such as is used by men of distinction in that country, as also by some of the merchants, who pay something to the king for this privilege. The captain-major entered the palanquin, which was carried by six men by turns. Attended by all these people we took the road of Qualecut, and came first to another town, called Capua.The captain-major was there deposited at the house of a man of rank, whilst we others were provided with food, consisting of rice, with much butter, and excellent boiled fish.The captain-major did not wish to eat, and when we had done so, we embarked on a river close by, which flows between the sea and the mainland, close to the coast.154 The two boats in which we embarked were lashed together,155 so that we were not separated. There were numerous other boats, all crowded with people. As to those who were on the banks I say nothing; their number was infinite, and they had all come to see us. We went up that river for about a league, and saw many large ships drawn up high and dry on its banks, for there is no port here.

When we disembarked, the captain-major once more entered his palanquin.The road was crowded with a countless multitude anxious to see us.Even the women came out of their houses with children in their arms and followed us.

[Christian Church.]156 When we arrived [at Calecut] they took us to a large church, and this is what we saw:—

The body of the church is as large as a monastery, all built of hewn stone and covered with tiles. At the main entrance rises a pillar of bronze as high as a mast, on the top of which was perched a bird, apparently a cock. In addition to this, there was another pillar as high as a man, and very stout.In the centre of the body of the church rose a chapel,157 all built of hewn stone, with a bronze door sufficiently wide for a man to pass, and stone steps leading up to it. Within this sanctuary stood a small image which they said represented Our Lady.158 Along the walls, by the main entrance, hung seven small bells.159 In this church the captain-major said his prayers, and we with him.160

We did not go within the chapel, for it is the custom that only certain servants of the church, called quafees,161 should enter. These quafees wore some threads passing over the left shoulder and under the right arm, in the same manner as our deacons wear the stole. They threw holy water over us, and gave us some white earth,162 which the Christians of this country are in the habit of putting on their foreheads, breasts, around the neck, and on the forearms. They threw holy water upon the captain-major and gave him some of the earth, which he gave in charge of someone, giving them to understand that he would put it on later.

Many other saints were painted on the walls of the church, wearing crowns.They were painted variously, with teeth protruding an inch from the mouth, and four or five arms.

Below this church there was a large masonry tank, similar to many others which we had seen along the road.

[Progress through the Town.] After we had left that place, and had arrived at the entrance to the city [of Calecut] we were shown another church, where we saw things like those described above.Here the crowd grew so dense that progress along the street became next to impossible, and for this reason they put the captain into a house, and us with him.

The king sent a brother of the bale, who was a lord of this country, to accompany the captain, and he was attended by men beating drums, blowing anafils and bagpipes, and firing off matchlocks. In conducting the captain they showed us much respect, more than is shown in Spain to a king. The number of people was countless, for in addition to those who surrounded us, and among whom there were two thousand armed men, they crowded the roofs and houses.

[The King’s Palace.]163 The further we advanced in the direction of the king’s palace, the more did they increase in number. And when we arrived there, men of much distinction and great lords came out to meet the captain, and joined those who were already in attendance upon him. It was then an hour before sunset. When we reached the palace we passed through a gate into a courtyard of great size, and before we arrived at where the king was, we passed four doors, through which we had to force our way, giving many blows to the people.When, at last, we reached the door where the king was, there came forth from it a little old man, who holds a position resembling that of a bishop, and whose advice the king acts upon in all affairs of the church.This man embraced the captain when he entered the door.Several men were wounded at this door,164 and we only got in by the use of much force.

[A Royal Audience, May 28.]165 The king was in a small court, reclining upon a couch covered with a cloth of green velvet, above which was a good mattress, and upon this again a sheet of cotton stuff, very white and fine, more so than any linen. The cushions were after the same fashion. In his left hand the king held a very large golden cup [spittoon], having a capacity of half an almude [8 pints]. At its mouth this cup was two palmas [16 inches] wide, and apparently it was massive. Into this cup the king threw the husks of a certain herb which is chewed by the people of this country because of its soothing effects, and which they call atambor166 On the right side of the king stood a basin of gold, so large that a man might just encircle it with his arms: this contained the herbs. There were likewise many silver jugs. The canopy above the couch was all gilt.

The captain, on entering, saluted in the manner of the country: by putting the hands together, then raising them towards Heaven, as is done by Christians when addressing God, and immediately afterwards opening them and shutting the fists quickly.The king beckoned to the captain with his right hand to come nearer, but the captain did not approach him, for it is the custom of the country for no man to approach the king except only the servant who hands him the herbs, and when anyone addresses the king he holds his hand before the mouth, and remains at a distance.When the king beckoned to the captain he looked at us others, and ordered us to be seated on a stone bench near him, where he could see us.He ordered that water for our hands should be given us, as also some fruit, one kind of which resembled a melon, except that its outside was rough and the inside sweet, whilst another kind of fruit resembled a fig, and tasted very nice.167 There were men who prepared these fruits for us; and the king looked at us eating, and smiled; and talked to the servant who stood near him supplying him with the herbs referred to.

Then, throwing his eyes on the captain, who sat facing him, he invited him to address himself to the courtiers present, saying they were men of much distinction, that he could tell them whatever he desired to say, and they would repeat it to him (the king).The captain-major replied that he was the ambassador of the King of Portugal, and the bearer of a message which he could only deliver to him personally.The king said this was good, and immediately asked him to be conducted to a chamber.When the captain-major had entered, the king, too, rose and joined him, whilst we remained where we were.168 All this happened about sunset.An old man who was in the court took away the couch as soon as the king rose, but allowed the plate to remain.The king, when he joined the captain, threw himself upon another couch, covered with various stuffs embroidered in gold, and asked the captain what he wanted.

And the captain told him he was the ambassador of a King of Portugal, who was Lord of many countries and the possessor of great wealth of every description, exceeding that of any king of these parts; that for a period of sixty years his ancestors had annually sent out vessels to make discoveries in the direction of India, as they knew that there were Christian kings there like themselves.This, he said, was the reason which induced them to order this country to be discovered, not because they sought for gold or silver, for of this they had such abundance that they needed not what was to be found in this country.He further stated that the captains sent out travelled for a year or two, until their provisions were exhausted, and then returned to Portugal, without having succeeded in making the desired discovery.There reigned a king now whose name was Dom Manuel, who had ordered him to build three vessels, of which he had been appointed captain-major, and who had ordered him not to return to Portugal until he should have discovered this King of the Christians, on pain of having his head cut off.That two letters169 had been intrusted to him to be presented in case he succeeded in discovering him, and that he would do so on the ensuing day; and, finally, he had been instructed to say by word of mouth that he [the King of Portugal] desired to be his friend and brother.

In reply to this the king said that he was welcome; that, on his part, he held him as a friend and brother, and would send ambassadors with him to Portugal.This latter had been asked as a favour, the captain pretending that he would not dare to present himself before his king and master unless he was able to present, at the same time, some men of this country.

These and many other things passed between the two in this chamber, and as it was already late in the night, the king asked the captain with whom he desired to lodge, with Christians or with Moors?And the captain replied, neither with Christians nor with Moors, and begged as a favour that he be given a lodging by himself.The king said he would order it thus, upon which the captain took leave of the king and came to where we were, that is, to a veranda lit up by a huge candlestick.By that time four hours of the night had already gone.170

[A Night’s Lodging.] We then all went forth with the captain in search of our lodgings, and a countless crowd with us.And the rain poured down so heavily that the streets ran with water.The captain went on the back of six men [in a palanquin], and the time occupied in passing through the city was so long that the captain at last grew tired, and complained to the king’s factor, a Moor of distinction, who attended him to the lodgings.The Moor then took him to his own house,171 and we were admitted to a court within it, where there was a veranda roofed in with tiles.Many carpets had been spread, and there were two large candlesticks like those at the Royal palace.At the top of each of these were great iron lamps, fed with oil or butter, and each lamp had four wicks, which gave much light.These lamps they use instead of torches.

This same Moor then had a horse brought for the captain to take him to his lodgings, but it was without a saddle, and the captain refused to mount it.172 We then started for our lodgings, and when we arrived we found there some of our men [who had come from the ships] with the captain’s bed, and with numerous other things which the captain had brought as presents for the king.173

[Presents for the King.] On Tuesday [May 29] the captain got ready the following things to be sent to the king, viz. , twelve pieces of lambel,174 four scarlet hoods, six hats, four strings of coral, a case containing six wash-hand basins, a case of sugar, two casks of oil, and two of honey. And as it is the custom not to send anything to the king without the knowledge of the Moor, his factor, and of the bale, the captain informed them of his intention. They came, and when they saw the present they laughed at it, saying that it was not a thing to offer to a king, that the poorest merchant from Mecca, or any other part of India, gave more, and that if he wanted to make a present it should be in gold, as the king would not accept such things. When the captain heard this he grew sad, and said that he had brought no gold, that, moreover, he was no merchant, but an ambassador; that he gave of that which he had, which was his own [private gift] and not the king’s;175 that if the King of Portugal ordered him to return he would intrust him with far richer presents; and that if King Camolim176 would not accept these things he would send them back to the ships. Upon this they declared that they would not forward his presents, nor consent to his forwarding them himself. When they had gone there came certain Moorish merchants, and they all depreciated the present which the captain desired to be sent to the king.

When the captain saw that they were determined not to forward his present, he said, that as they would not allow him to send his present to the palace he would go to speak to the king, and would then return to the ships.They approved of this, and told him that if he would wait a short time they would return and accompany him to the palace.And the captain waited all day, but they never came back.The captain was very wroth at being among so phlegmatic and unreliable a people, and intended, at first, to go to the palace without them.On further consideration, however, he thought it best to wait until the following day.As to us others, we diverted ourselves, singing and dancing to the sound of trumpets, and enjoyed ourselves much.

[A Second Audience, May 30.] On Wednesday morning the Moors returned, and took the captain to the palace, and us others with him. The palace was crowded with armed men. Our captain was kept waiting with his conductors for fully four long hours, outside a door, which was only opened when the king sent word to admit him, attended by two men only, whom he might select.The captain said that he desired to have Fernão Martins with him, who could interpret, and his secretary.177 It seemed to him, as it did to us, that this separation portended no good.

When he had entered, the king said that he had expected him on Tuesday.The captain said that the long road had tired him, and that for this reason he had not come to see him.The king then said that he had told him that he came from a very rich kingdom, and yet had brought him nothing; that he had also told him that he was the bearer of a letter, which had not yet been delivered.To this the captain rejoined that he had brought nothing, because the object of his voyage was merely to make discoveries, but that when other ships came he would then see what they brought him; as to the letter, it was true that he had brought one, and would deliver it immediately.

The king then asked what it was he had come to discover: stones or men? If he came to discover men, as he said, why had he brought nothing? Moreover, he had been told that he carried with him the golden image of a Santa Maria. The captain said that the Santa Maria was not of gold, and that even if she were he would not part with her, as she had guided him across the ocean, and would guide him back to his own country. The king then asked for the letter. The captain said that he begged as a favour, that as the Moors wished him ill and might misinterpret him, a Christian able to speak Arabic should be sent for. The king said this was well, and at once sent for a young man, of small stature, whose name was Quaram. The captain then said that he had two letters, one written in his own language and the other in that of the Moors; that he was able to read the former, and knew that it contained nothing but what would prove acceptable; but that as to the other he was unable to read it, and it might be good, or contain something that was erroneous. As the Christian was unable to read Moorish, four Moors took the letter and read it between them, after which they translated it to the king, who was well satisfied with its contents.

The king then asked what kind of merchandise was to be found in his country.The captain said there was much corn, cloth, iron, bronze, and many other things.The king asked whether he had any merchandise with him.The captain replied that he had a little of each sort, as samples, and that if permitted to return to the ships he would order it to be landed, and that meantime four or five men would remain at the lodgings assigned them.The king said no!He might take all his people with him, securely moor his ships, land his merchandise, and sell it to the best advantage.Having taken leave of the king the captain returned to his lodgings, and we with him.As it was already late no attempt was made to depart that night.

[Return to Pandarani, May 31.] On Thursday morning a horse without a saddle was brought to the captain, who declined to mount it, asking that a horse of the country, that is a palanquin, might be provided, as he could not ride a horse without a saddle.He was then taken to the house of a wealthy merchant of the name of Guzerate,178 who ordered a palanquin to be got ready. On its arrival the captain started at once for Pandarani, where our ships were, many people following him. We others, not being able to keep up with him, were left behind. Trudging thus along we were overtaken by the bale, who passed on to join the captain. We lost our way, and wandered far inland, but the bale sent a man after us, who put us on the right road. When we reached Pandarani we found the captain inside a rest-house, of which there were many along the road, so that travellers and wayfarers might find protection against the rain.

[Detention at Pandarani, May 31 to June 2.] The bale and many others were with the captain. On our arrival the captain asked the bale for an almadia, so that we might go to our ships; but the bale and the others said that it was already late—in fact, the sun had set—and that he should go next day. The captain said that unless he provided an almadia he would return to the king, who had given orders to take him back to the ships, whilst they tried to detain him—a very bad thing, as he was a Christian like themselves. When they saw the dark looks of the captain they said he was at liberty to depart at once, and that they would give him thirty almadias if he needed them. They then took us along the beach, and as it seemed to the captain that they harboured some evil design, he sent three men in advance, with orders that in case they found the ship’s boats and his brother, to tell him to conceal himself. They went, and finding nothing, turned back; but as we had been taken in another direction we did not meet.

They then took us to the house of a Moor—for it was already far in the night—and when we got there they told us that they would go in search of the three men who had not yet returned.When they were gone, the captain ordered fowls and rice to be purchased, and we ate, notwithstanding our fatigue, having been all day on our legs.

Those who had gone [in search of the three men] only returned in the morning, and the captain said that after all they seemed well disposed towards us, and had acted with the best intentions when they objected to our departure the day before.On the other hand we suspected them on account of what had happened at Calecut, and looked upon them as ill-disposed.

When they returned [June 1] the captain again asked for boats to take him to his ships.They then began to whisper among themselves, and said that we should have them if we would order our vessels to come nearer the shore.The captain said that if he ordered his vessels to approach his brother would think that he was being held a prisoner, and that he gave this order on compulsion, and would hoist the sails and return to Portugal.They said that if we refused to order the ships to come nearer we should not be permitted to embark.The captain said that King Çamolin had sent him back to his ships, and that as they would not let him go, as ordered by the king, he should return to the king, who was a Christian like himself.If the king would not let him go, and wanted him to remain in his country, he would do so with much pleasure.They agreed that he should be permitted to go, but afforded him no opportunity for doing so, for they immediately closed all the doors, and many armed men entered to guard us, none of us being allowed to go outside without being accompanied by several of these guards.

They then asked us to give up our sails and rudders.The captain declared that he would give up none of these things: King Çamolin having unconditionally ordered him to return to his ships, they might do with him whatever they liked, but he would give up nothing.

The captain and we others felt very down-hearted, though outwardly we pretended not to notice what they did.The captain said that as they refused him permission to go back, they would at least allow his men to do so, as at the place they were in they would die of hunger.But they said that we must remain where we were, and that if we died of hunger we must bear it, as they cared nothing for that.Whilst thus detained, one of the men whom we had missed the night before turned up. He told the captain that Nicolau Coelho had been awaiting him with the boats since last night. When the captain heard this he sent a man away secretly to Nicolau Coelho, because of the guards by whom we were surrounded, with orders to go back to the ships and place them in a secure place. Nicolau Coelho, on receipt of this message, departed forthwith. But our guards having information of what was going on, at once launched a large number of almadias and pursued him for a short distance. When they found that they could not overtake him they returned to the captain, whom they asked to write a letter to his brother, requesting him to bring the ships nearer to the land and further within the port [roadstead]. The captain said he was quite willing, but that his brother would not do this; and that even if he consented those who were with him, not being willing to die, would not do so. But they asked how this could be, as they knew well that any order he gave would be obeyed.

The captain did not wish the ships to come within the port, for it seemed to him—as it did to us—that once inside they could easily be captured, after which they would first kill him, and then us others, as we were already in their power.

We passed all that day most anxiously.At night more people surrounded us than ever before, and we were no longer allowed to walk in the compound, within which we were, but confined within a small tiled court, with a multitude of people around us.We quite expected that on the following day we should be separated, or that some harm would befall us, for we noticed that our gaolers were much annoyed with us.This, however, did not prevent our making a good supper off the things found in the village.Throughout that night we were guarded by over a hundred men, all armed with swords, two-edged battleaxes,179 shields, and bows and arrows. Whilst some of these slept, others kept guard, each taking his turn of duty throughout the night.

On the following day, Saturday, June 2, in the morning, these gentlemen [i.e., the bale and others] came back, and this time they “wore better faces.” They told the captain that as he had informed the king that he intended to land his merchandise, he should now give orders to have this done, as it was the custom of the country that every ship on its arrival should at once land the merchandise it brought, as also the crews, and that the vendors should not return on board until the whole of it had been sold. The captain consented, and said he would write to his brother to see to its being done. They said this was well, and that immediately after the arrival of the merchandise he would be permitted to return to his ship. The captain at once wrote to his brother to send him certain things, and he did so at once. On their receipt the captain was allowed to go on board, two men remaining behind with the things that had been landed.180

At this we rejoiced greatly, and rendered thanks to God for having extricated us from the hands of people who had no more sense than beasts, for we knew well that once the captain was on board those who had been landed would have nothing to fear.When the captain reached his ship he ordered that no more merchandise should be sent.

[The Portuguese Merchandise at Pandarani, June 2-23.]

Five days afterwards [on June 7] the captain sent word to the king that, although he had sent him straight back to his ships, certain of his people had detained him a night and a day on the road; that he had landed his merchandise as he had been ordered, but that the Moors only came to depreciate it; and that for these reasons he looked forward to what he (the king) would order; that he placed no value upon this merchandise, but that he and his ships were at his service.The king at once sent word saying that those who acted thus were bad Christians, and that he would punish them.He, at the same time, sent seven or eight merchants to inspect the merchandise, and to become purchasers if they felt inclined.He also sent a man of quality to remain with the factor already there, and authorised them to kill any Moor who might go there, without fear of punishment.

The merchants whom the king had sent remained about eight days, but instead of buying they depreciated the merchandise.The Moors no longer visited the house where the merchandise was, but they bore us no good-will, and when one of us landed they spat on the ground, saying: “Portugal, Portugal.”Indeed from the very first they had sought means to take and kill us.

When the captain found that the merchandise found no buyers at that place, he applied to the king for permission to forward it to Calecut. The king at once ordered the bale to get a sufficient number of men who were to carry the whole on their backs to Calecut, this to be done at his expense, as nothing belonging to the King of Portugal was to be burthened with expenses whilst in his country. But all this was done because it was intended to do us some ill-turn, for it had been reported to the king that we were thieves and went about to steal. Nevertheless, he did all this in the manner shown.

[The Merchandise removed to Calecut, June 24.]

On Sunday, the 24th of June, being the day of St.John the Baptist, the merchandise left for Calecut.The captain then ordered that all our people should visit that town by turns, and in the following manner:—Each ship was to send a man ashore, on whose return another should be sent.In this way all would have their turn, and would be able to make such purchases as they desired.These men were made welcome by the Christians along the road, who showed much pleasure when one of them entered a house, to eat or to sleep, and they gave them freely of all they had.At the same time many men came on board our ships to sell us fish in exchange for bread, and they were made welcome by us.Many of them were accompanied by their sons and little children, and the captain ordered that they should be fed.All this was done for the sake of establishing relations of peace and amity, and to induce them to speak well of us and not evil.So great was the number of these visitors that sometimes it was night before we could get rid of them; and this was due to the dense population of the country and the scarcity of food.It even happened that when some of our men were engaged in mending a sail, and took biscuits with them to eat, that old and young fell upon them, took the biscuits out of their hands, and left them nothing to eat.

In this manner all on board ship went on land by twos and threes, taking with them bracelets, clothes, new shirts, and other articles, which they desired to sell.We did not, however, effect these sales at the prices hoped for when we arrived at Moncobiquy [Moçambique], for a very fine shirt which in Portugal fetches 300 reis, was worth here only two fanôes,181 which is equivalent only to 30 reis, for 30 reis in this country is a big sum.And just as we sold shirts cheaply so we sold other things, in order to take some things away from this country, if only for samples.Those who visited the city bought there cloves, cinnamon, and precious stones; and having bought what they desired they came back to the ships, without any one speaking to them.

When the captain found the people of the country so well disposed, he left a factor with the merchandise, together with a clerk and some other men.

[Diogo Dias Carries a Message to the King, August 13.]

When the time arrived for our departure the captain-major sent a present to the king, consisting of amber, corals, and many other things.At the same time he ordered the king to be informed that he desired to leave for Portugal, and that if the king would send some people with him to the King of Portugal, he would leave behind him a factor, a clerk and some other men, in charge of the merchandise.In return for the present he begged on behalf of his lord [the King of Portugal] for a bahar182 of cinnamon, a bahar of cloves, as also samples of such other spices as he thought proper, saying that the factor would pay for them, if he desired it.

Four days were allowed to pass after the dispatch of this message before speech could be had with the king. And when the bearer of it entered the place where the king was, he (the king) looked at him with a “bad face,” and asked what he wanted. The bearer then delivered his message, as explained above, and then referred to the present which had been sent. The king said that what he brought ought to have been sent to his factor, and that he did not want to look at it. He then desired the captain to be informed that as he wished to depart he should pay him 600 xerafins,183 and that then he might go: this was the custom of the country and of those who came to it. Diogo Dias, who was the bearer of the message, said he would return with this reply to the captain. But when he left [the palace] certain men followed him, and when he arrived at the house in Calecut where the merchandise was deposited, they put a number of men inside with him to watch that none of it was sent away. At the same time proclamation was made throughout the town prohibiting all boats from approaching our ships.

When they [the Portuguese] saw that they were prisoners, they sent a young negro who was with them along the coast to seek for some one to take him to the ships, and to give information that they had been made prisoners by order of the king.The negro went to the outskirts of the town, where there lived some fishermen, one of whom took him on board, on payment of three fanôes.This the fisherman ventured to do because it was dark, and they could not be seen from the city; and when he had put his passenger on board he at once departed.This happened on Monday, the 13th August, 1498.

This news made us sad; not only because we saw some of our men in the hands of our enemies, but also because it interfered with our departure.We also felt grieved that a Christian king, to whom we had given of ours, should do us such an ill turn.At the same time we did not hold him as culpable as he seemed to be, for we were well aware that the Moors of the place, who were merchants from Mecca and elsewhere, and who knew us, could ill digest us.They had told the king that we were thieves, and that if once we navigated to his country, no more ships from Mecca, nor from Quambaye [Cambay], nor from Imgros,184 nor from any other part, would visit him. They added that he would derive no profit from this [trade with Portugal] as we had nothing to give, but would rather take away, and that thus his country would be ruined. They, moreover, offered rich bribes to the king to capture and kill us, so that we should not return to Portugal.

All this the captain learnt from a Moor of the country,185 who revealed all that was intended to be done, warning the captains, and more especially the captain-major, against going on shore. In addition to what we learnt through the Moor, we were told by two Christians that if the captains went ashore their heads would be cut off, as this was the way the king dealt with those who came to his country without giving him gold.

Such then was the state of affairs. On the next day [August 14] no boats came out to the ships. On the day after that [August 15] there came an almadia, with four young men, who brought precious stones for sale; but it appeared to us that they came rather by order of the Moors, in order to see what we should do to them, than for the purpose of selling stones.The captain, however, made them welcome, and wrote a letter to his people on shore, which they took away with them.When the people saw that no harm befell them, there came daily many merchants, and others who were not merchants, from curiosity, and all were made welcome by us and given to eat.

On the following Sunday [August 19] about twenty-five men came.Among them were six persons of quality, and the captain perceived that through these we might recover the men who were detained as prisoners on land.He therefore laid hands upon them, and upon a dozen of the others, being eighteen186 in all. The rest he ordered to be landed in one of his boats, and gave them a letter to be delivered to the king’s Moorish factor, in which he declared that if he would restore the men who were being kept prisoners he would liberate those whom he had taken. When it became known that we had taken these men, a crowd proceeded to the house where our merchandise was kept, and conducted our men to the house of the factor, without doing them any harm.

On Thursday, the 23rd,187 of the same month, we made sail, saying we were going to Portugal, but hoped to be back soon, and that then they would know whether we were thieves. We anchored about four leagues to the leeward of Calecut, and we did this because of the headwind.

On the next day [August 24] we returned towards the land, but not being able to weather certain shoals in front of Calecut, we again stood off and anchored within sight of the city.

On Saturday [August 25] we again stood off and anchored so far out at sea that we could scarcely see the land. On Sunday [August 26] whilst at anchor, waiting for a breeze, a boat which had been on the lookout for us approached, and informed us that Diogo Dias was in the king’s house, and that if we liberated those whom we detained, he should be brought on board. The captain, however, was of opinion that he had been killed, and that they said this in order to detain us until they had completed their armaments, or until ships of Mecca able to capture us had arrived. He therefore bade them retire, threatening otherwise to fire his bombards upon them, and not to return without bringing him [Dias] and his men, or at least a letter from them.He added that unless this were done quickly he intended to take off the heads of his captives.A breeze then sprang up, and we sailed along the coast until we anchored.

[The King sends for Diogo Dias.]

When the king heard that we had sailed for Portugal, and that he was thus no longer able to carry his point, he thought of undoing the evil he had done.He sent for Diogo Dias, whom he received with marked kindness, and not in the way he did when he was the bearer of [Vasco’s] present.He asked why the captain had carried off these men.Diogo Dias said it was because the king would not allow him and his to return to the ships, and detained them as prisoners in the city.The king said he had done well.He then asked whether his factor had asked for anything,188 giving us to understand that he was ignorant of the matter, and that the factor alone was responsible for this extortion. Turning to his factor, he asked whether he was unaware that quite recently he had killed another factor because he had levied tribute upon some merchants that had come to this country? The king then said: “Go you back to the ships, you and the others who are with you; tell the captain to send me back the men he took; that the pillar, which I understood him to say he desires to be erected on the land shall be taken away by those who bring you back, and put up; and, moreover, that you will remain here with the merchandise.” At the same time he forwarded a letter to the captain, which had been written for him by Diogo Dias with an iron pen upon a palm-leaf, as is the custom of the country, and which was intended for the King of Portugal.The tenor189 of this letter was as follows:—

“Vasco da Gama, a gentleman of your household, came to my country, whereat I was pleased.My country is rich in cinnamon, cloves, ginger, pepper, and precious stones.That which I ask of you in exchange is gold, silver, corals and scarlet cloth.”

[Off Calecut, August 27-30.] On Monday, the 27th of this month, in the morning, whilst we were at anchor, seven boats with many people in them brought Diogo Dias and the other [Portuguese] who were with him.Not daring to put him on board, they placed him in the captain’s long boat, which was still attached to the stern.They had not brought the merchandise, for they believed that Diogo Dias would return with them.But once the captain had them back on board, he would not allow them to return to the land.The pillar190 he gave to those in the boat, as the king had given orders for it to be set up. He also gave up, in exchange, the six most distinguished among his prisoners, keeping six others, whom he promised to surrender if on the morrow the merchandise were restored to him.

On Tuesday [August 28], in the morning, whilst at anchor, a Moor of Tunis,191 who spoke our language, took refuge on board one of our ships, saying, that all he had had been taken from him, that worse might happen, and that this was his usual luck. The people of the country, he said, charged him with being a Christian, who had come to Calecut by order of the King of Portugal; for this reason he preferred going away with us, rather than remain in a country where any day he might be killed.

At ten o’clock seven boats with many people in them approached us.Three of them carried on their benches the striped cloth which we had left on land, and we were given to understand that this was all the merchandise which belonged to us.192 These three came to within a certain distance of the ships, whilst the other four kept away. We were told that if we sent them their men in one of our boats they would give our merchandise in exchange for them. However, we saw through their cunning, and the captain-major told them to go away, saying that he cared nought for the merchandise, but wanted to take these men to Portugal.193 He warned them at the same time to be careful, as he hoped shortly to be back in Calecut, when they would know whether we were thieves, as had been told them by the Moors.

On Wednesday, the 29th [of August], the captain-major and the other captains agreed that, inasmuch that we had discovered the country we had come in search of, as also spices and precious stones, and it appeared impossible to establish cordial relations with the people, it would be as well to take our departure.And it was resolved that we should take with us the men whom we detained, as, on our return to Calecut, they might be useful to us in establishing friendly relations.We therefore set sail and left for Portugal, greatly rejoicing at our good fortune in having made so great a discovery.

On Thursday [August 30], at noon, being becalmed about a league below [that is, north of] Calecut, about seventy boats approached us.194 They were crowded with people wearing a kind of cuirass made of red cloth, folded. Their weapons for the body, the arms and the head were these195....When these boats came within the range of our bombards, the captain-major ordered us to fire upon them.They followed us for about an hour and a half, when there arose a thunderstorm which carried us out to sea; and when they saw they could no longer do us harm they turned back, whilst we pursued our route.

[Calecut and its Commerce.]

From this country of Calecut, or Alta India,196 come the spices which are consumed in the East and the West, in Portugal, as in all other countries of the world, as also precious stones of every, description. The following spices are to be found in this city of Calecut, being its own produce: much ginger and pepper and cinnamon, although the last is not of so fine a quality as that brought from an island called Çillan [Ceylon],197 which is eight days journey from Calecut. Calecut is the staple for all this cinnamon. Cloves are brought to this city from an island called Melequa [Malacca].198 The Mecca vessels carry these spices from there to a city in Mecca199 called Judeâ [Jidda], and from the said island to Judeâ is a voyage of fifty days sailing before the wind, for the vessels of this country cannot tack. At Judeâ they discharge their cargoes, paying customs duties to the Grand Sultan.200 The merchandise is then transshipped to smaller vessels, which carry it through the Red Sea to a place close to Santa Catarina of Mount Sinai, called Tuuz,201 where customs dues are paid once more. From that place the merchants carry the spices on the back of camels, which they hire at the rate of 4 cruzados each, to Quayro [Cairo], a journey occupying ten days. At Quayro duties are paid again. On this road to Cairo they are frequently robbed by thieves, who live in that country, such as the Bedouins and others.

At Cairo the spices are embarked on the river Nile, which rises in Prester John’s country in Lower India, and descending that river for two days they reach a place called Roxette [Rosetta], where duties have to be paid once more.There they are placed on camels, and are conveyed in one day to a city called Alexandria, which is a sea-port.This city is visited by the galleys of Venice and Genoa, in search of these spices, which yield the Grand Sultan a revenue of 600,000 cruzados202 in customs duties, out of which he pays to a king called Cidadym203 an annual subsidy of 100,000 cruzados for making war upon Prester John.The title of Grand Sultan is bought for money, and does not pass from father to son.

[The Voyage Home.]

I now again speak of our voyage home.

Going thus along the coast we kept tacking, with the aid of the land and sea breezes, for the wind was feeble.When becalmed in the day we lay to.

On Monday, September 10, the captain-major landed one of the men whom we had taken, and who had lost an eye, with a letter to the Çamolin, written in Moorish [Arabic] by one of the Moors who came with us.204 The country where we landed this Moor was called Compia,205 and its king, Biaquolle, was at war with the King of Calecut.

On the following day [September 11], whilst becalmed, boats approached the ships, and the boatmen, who offered fish for sale, came on board without exhibiting any fear.

[Santa Maria Islands.]206

On Saturday, the 15th of said month, we found ourselves near some islets, about two leagues from the land. We there launched a boat and put up a pillar on one of these islets, which we called Santa Maria, the king having ordered three pillars (padrãos), to be named S. Raphael, S. Gabriel, and Santa Maria. We had thus succeeded in erecting these three, scilicet, the first, that of S.Raphael, on the Rio dos bons signaes; the second, that of S.Gabriel, at Calecut; and this, the last, named Santa Maria.

Here again many boats came to us with fish, and the captain made the boatmen happy by presenting them with shirts.He asked them whether they would be glad if he placed a pillar upon the island.They said that they would be very glad indeed, for its erection would confirm the fact that we were Christians like themselves.The pillar was consequently erected in much amity.

[Anjediva, September 20 to October 5.]207

That same night, with a land breeze, we made sail and pursued our route.On the following Thursday, the 20th of the month,208 we came to a hilly country, very beautiful and salubrious, close to which there were six small islands.

There we anchored, near the land, and launched a boat to take in water and wood to last us during our voyage across the Gulf, which we hoped to accomplish, if the wind favoured us.On landing we met a young man, who pointed out to us a spring of excellent water rising between two hills on the bank of a river.The captain-major gave this man a cap, and asked whether he was a Moor or a Christian.The man said that he was a Christian, and when told that we too were Christians he was much pleased.

On the following day [September 21] an almadia came to us with four men, who brought gourds and cucumbers. The captain-major asked whether cinnamon, ginger, or any other spices were to be found in this country. They said there was plenty of cinnamon, but no other kind of spice. The captain at once sent two men with them to the mainland to bring him a sample, and they were taken to a wood where a large number of trees yielding cinnamon were growing, and they cut off two big branches, with their foliage. When we went in our boats to fetch water we met these two men with their cinnamon branches, and they were accompanied by about twenty others, who brought the captain fowls, cow-milk and gourds. They asked the captain to send these two men along with them, as there was much dry cinnamon not far off, which they would show them, and of which they would bring samples.209

Having taken in water we returned to the ships, and these men promised to come on the ensuing day to bring a present of cows, pigs and fowls.

Early on the next morning [September 22] we observed two vessels close to the land, about two leagues off, but took no further notice of them. We cut wood whilst waiting for the tide to enable us to enter the river to take in water, and being thus engaged it struck the captain that these vessels were larger than he had thought at first.He therefore ordered us into the boats, as soon as we had eaten, and sent us to find out whether these vessels belonged to Moors or Christians.After his return on board, the captain-major ordered a mariner to go aloft and look out for vessels, and this man reported that out in the open sea and at a distance of about six leagues he saw eight vessels becalmed.The captain, when he heard this, at once gave orders to sink these vessels.They, as soon as they felt the breeze, put the helm hard a-lee, and when they were abreast of us, at a distance of a couple of leagues, and we thought they might discover us, we made for them.When they saw us coming they bore away for the land.One of them being disabled, owing to her helm breaking, the men in her made their escape in the boat, which they dragged astern, and reached the land in safety.We, who were nearest to that vessel, at once boarded her, but found nothing in her except provisions, coco-nuts, four jars of palm-sugar, and arms, all the rest being sand used as ballast.The seven other vessels grounded, and we fired upon them from our boats.

On the following morning [September 23], whilst at anchor, seven men in a boat visited us, and they told us that these vessels had come from Calecut in search of us, and that if they had succeeded in taking us we should have been killed.210

On the following morning, having left this place, we anchored at a distance of two bombard-shots from the place at which we had been at first, and close to an island, where we had been told that water would be found.211 The captain-major at once sent Nicolau Coelho in an armed boat in search for this watering place. He came there upon the ruins of a large stone church which had been destroyed by the Moors, with the exception of a chapel which had been roofed with straw. This, at least, was told us by the natives of the country, who prayed there to three black stones which stood in the middle of the chapel.212 Beside this church we discovered a tank of the same workmanship as the church itself—that is, built of hewn stone—from which we took as much water as we needed. Another tank, of large size and four fathoms deep, occupied the highest part of the island. On the beach, in front of the church, we careened the Berrio and the ship of the captain-major. The Raphael was not drawn up on the beach, on account of difficulties which will be referred to further on.

Being one day in the Berrio, which was drawn up on the beach, there approached two large boats, or fustas,213 crowded with people. They rowed to the sound of drums and bagpipes, and displayed flags at the masthead. Five other boats remained on the coast for their protection. As they came nearer we asked the people whom we had with us who they were. They told us not to allow them to come on board, as they were robbers who would seize us if they could. The people of this country, they said, carried arms and boarded vessels as if they came as friends, and having succeeded, and feeling strong enough, they laid hands upon them. For this reason they were fired upon from the Raphael and the captain-major’s ship, as soon as they came within range of our bombards.They began to shout “Tambaram,”214 which meant that they were Christians, for the Christians of India call God “Tambaram.” When they found that we took no notice of this, they fled towards the land. Nicolau Coelho pursued them for a short distance, when he was recalled by a signal flag on the ship of the captain-major.

On the following day, whilst the captain and many of our people were on land, careening the Berrio, there arrived two small boats with a dozen well-dressed men in them, who brought a bundle of sugar-cane as a present for the captain-major.After they had landed they asked permission to see the ships.The captain thought they were spies, and grew angry.Just then two other boats, with as many people, made their appearance, but those who had come first, seeing that the captain was not favourably disposed towards them, warned these new-comers not to land, but to turn back.They, too, re-embarked at once, and went away.

Whilst the ship of the captain-major was being careened there arrived a man,215 about forty years of age, who spoke Venetian well. He was dressed in linen, wore a fine touca on his head, and a sword in his belt. He had no sooner landed than he embraced the captain-major and the captains, and said that he was a Christian from the west, who had come to this country in early youth; that he was now in the service of a Moorish lord,216 who could muster 40,000 horsemen; that he, too, had become a Moor, although at heart still a Christian. He said that, being one day at his master’s house, news was brought that men had arrived at Calecut, whose speech none could understand, and who were wholly clad; that when he heard this he said that these strangers must be Franks, for this is the name by which we [Europeans] are known in these parts.He then begged permission of his master to be allowed to visit us, saying that a refusal would cause him to die of sorrow.His master thereupon had told him to go and tell us that we might have anything in his country which suited us, including ships and provisions, and that if we desired to remain permanently it would give him much pleasure.When the captain had cordially thanked him for these offers, which appeared to him to have been made in good faith, our visitor asked as a favour that a cheese be given him, which he desired to take to one of his companions who had remained on the mainland, as a token that all had gone well.The captain ordered a cheese and two soft loaves to be given to him.He remained on the island, talking so much and about so many things, that at times he contradicted himself.

Paulo da Gama, in the meanwhile, had sought the Christians who had come with this visitor, and asked who he was.They said he was a pirate (armador), who had come to attack us, and that his ships, with many people in them, had remained on the coast.Knowing this much, and conjecturing the rest, we seized him, took him to the vessel drawn up on the beach, and there began to thrash him, in order to make him confess whether he was really a pirate, or what was the object with which he had come to us.He then told us that he was well aware that the whole country was ill-disposed towards us, and that numbers of armed men were around, hidden within the creeks, but that they would not for the present venture to attack us, as they were expecting some forty vessels which were being armed to pursue us.He added that he did not know when they would be ready to attack us.As to himself he said nothing except what he had said at first. Afterwards he was “questioned”217 three or four times, and although he did not definitely say so, we understood from his gestures that he had come to see the ships, so that he might know what sort of people we were, and how we were armed.

At this island we remained twelve days, eating much fish, which was brought for sale from the mainland, as also many pumpkins and cucumbers.They also brought us boat-loads of green cinnamon-wood with the leaves still on.When our ships had been careened, and we had taken in as much water as we needed, and had broken up the vessel which we had captured, we took our departure.This happened on Friday, October 5.218

Before the vessel referred to was broken up, its captain offered us 1000 fanões for it, but the captain-major said that it was not for sale, and as it belonged to an enemy he preferred to burn it.

When we were about two hundred leagues out at sea, the Moor whom we had taken with us declared that the time for dissembling was now past. It was true that he had heard at the house of his master that we had lost ourselves along the coast, and were unable to find our way home; that for this reason many vessels had been despatched to capture us; and that his master had sent him to find out what we were doing and to entice us to his country, for if a privateer had taken us he would not have received a share of the booty, whilst if we had landed within his territory we should have been completely in his power, and being valiant men, he could have employed us in his wars with the neighbouring kings.This reckoning, however, was made without the host.

[The Voyage across the Arabian Sea.]

Owing to frequent calms and foul winds it took us three months less three days to cross this gulf,219 and all our people again suffered from their gums, which grew over their teeth, so that they could not eat. Their legs also swelled, and other parts of the body, and these swellings spread until the sufferer died, without exhibiting symptoms of any other disease. Thirty of our men died in this manner—an equal number having died previously—and those able to navigate each ship were only seven or eight, and even these were not as well as they ought to have been. I assure you that if this state of affairs had continued for another fortnight, there would have been no men at all to navigate the ships. We had come to such a pass that all bonds of discipline had gone. Whilst suffering this affliction we addressed vows and petitions to the saints on behalf of our ships. The captains had held council, and they had agreed that if a favourable wind enabled us we would return to India whence we had come.

But it pleased God in his mercy to send us a wind which, in the course of six days, carried us within sight of land, and at this we rejoiced as much as if the land we saw had been Portugal, for with the help of God we hoped to recover our health there, as we had done once before.220

This happened on January 2, 1499.221 It was night when we came close to the land, and for this reason we put about ship and lay to. In the morning [January 3] we reconnoitred the coast, so as to find out whither the Lord had taken us, for there was not a pilot on board, nor any other man who could tell on the chart in what place we were.Some said that we must be among certain islands off Moçambique, about 300 leagues from the mainland;222 and they said this because a Moor whom we had taken at Moçambique had asserted that these islands were very unhealthy, and that their inhabitants suffered from the same disease which had afflicted us.

[Magadoxo.]

We found ourselves off a large town, with houses of several stories, big palaces in its centre, and four towers around it.This town faced the sea, belonged to the Moors, and was called Magadoxo.223 When we were quite close to it we fired off many bombards,224 and continued along the coast with a fair wind. We went on thus during the day, but lay to at night, as we did not know how far we were from Milingue [Malindi] whither we wished to go.

On Saturday, the 5th of the month, being becalmed, a thunderstorm burst upon us, and tore the ties of the RaphaelWhilst repairing these a privateer came out from a town called Pate225 with eight boats and many men, but as soon as he came within reach of our bombards we fired upon him, and he fled. There being no wind we were not able to follow him.

[Malindi.]

On Monday, the 7th [of January]226 we again cast anchor off Milindy, when the king at once sent off to us a long boat holding many people, with a present of sheep, and a message to the captain-major, bidding him welcome. The king said that he had been expected for days past, and gave expression to his amicable and peaceable sentiments. The captain-major sent a man on shore with these messengers with instructions to bring off a supply of oranges, which were much desired by our sick. These he brought on the following day, as also other kinds of fruit; but our sick did not much profit by this, for the climate affected them in such a way that many of them died here. Moors also came on board, by order of the king, offering fowls and eggs.

When the captain saw that all this attention was shown us at a time when we stood so much in need of it, he sent a present to the king, and also a message by the mouth of one of our men who spoke Arabic, begging for a tusk of ivory to be given to the King [of Portugal], his Lord, and asking that a pillar be placed on the land as a sign of friendship.The king replied that he would do what was asked out of love for the King of Portugal, whom he desired to serve; and, in fact, he at once ordered a tusk to be taken to the captain and ordered the pillar to be erected.227

He also sent a young Moor,228 who desired to go with us to Portugal, and whom he recommended strongly to the captain-major, saying that he sent him in order that the King of Portugal might know how much he desired his friendship.

We remained five days at this place enjoying ourselves, and reposing from the hardships endured during a passage in the course of which all of us had been face to face with death.

[Malindi to São Braz.]

We left on Friday [January 11], in the morning, and on Saturday, which was the 12th of the month, we passed close to Mombaça. On Sunday [January 13] we anchored at the Baixos de S.Raphael,229 where we set fire to the ship of that name, as it was impossible for us to navigate three vessels with the few hands that remained to us.The contents of this ship were transferred to the two other ships.We were here fifteen days,230 and from a town in front of us, called Tamugate,231 many fowls were brought to us for sale or barter in exchange for shirts and bracelets.

On Sunday, the 27th, we left this place with a fair wind.During the following night we lay to, and in the morning [January 28] we came close to a large island called Jamgiber [Zanzibar], which is peopled by Moors, and is quite ten leagues232 from the mainland. Late on February 1, we anchored off the island of S. Jorge, near Moçambique and left at once. On the following day [February 2], in the morning, we set up a pillar in that island, where we had said mass on going out. The rain fell so heavily that we could not light a fire for melting the lead to fix the cross, and it therefore remained without one. We then returned to the ships.

On March 3 we reached the Angra de São Braz, where we caught many anchovies, seals and penguins, which we salted for our voyage.On the 12th we left, but when ten or twelve leagues from the watering-place the wind blew so strongly from the west, that we were compelled to return to this bay.

[São Braz to the Rio Grande.]

When the wind fell we started once more, and the Lord gave us such a good wind that on the 20th we were able to double the Cape of Good Hope. Those who had come so far were in good health and quite robust, although at times nearly dead from the cold winds which we experienced.This feeling, however, we attributed less to the cold than to the heat of the countries from which we had come.

We pursued our route with a great desire of reaching home.For twenty-seven days233 we had the wind astern, and were carried by it to the neighbourhood of the island of São Thiago. To judge from our charts we were within a hundred leagues from it, but some supposed we were quite near. But the wind fell and we were becalmed. The little wind there was came from ahead. Thunderstorms,234 which came from the land, enabled us to tell our whereabouts, and we plied to windward as well as we could.

On Thursday, the 25th of April, we had soundings of 35 fathoms. All that day we followed our route, and the least sounding we had was 20 fathoms. We nevertheless could get no sight of the land, but the pilots told us that we were near the shoals of the Rio Grande.235

[Here the Journal ends abruptly. The succeeding events may be shortly stated. Vasco da Gama and Coelho were separated in a storm, according to Resende. Coelho continued his voyage, arriving at Cascaes, below Lisbon, on July 10, 1499. Vasco da Gama, having waited one day for his consort, proceeded to the island of São Thiago, placed João de Sá in charge of the S.Gabriel, and chartered a caravel in which he conveyed his dying brother Paulo to the island of Terceira.João de Sá arrived soon after Coelho, and certainly anterior to August 28th, on which day the king addressed a letter to the Cardinal Protector of Portugal (see Appendix).Paulo died a day after he had landed at the Angra of Terceira, and was buried in the church of the Monastery of S.Francisco.236 A resident of Terceira, one Arthur Rodriguez, at once started in a caravel to carry the news of Vasco da Gama’s arrival to Lisbon.

The date of Vasco da Gama’s return to Lisbon is not known with certainty. The commission appointed in 1871 to remove the remains of Vasco da Gama from the church of Vidigueira to Belem made every effort to ascertain the exact date, but in vain; and whilst Barros, Goes, and Pero Barretto de Resende state that it happened on August 29th, Castanheda fixes upon September 8th, and a MS. in the Torre do Tombo, consulted by Texeira de Aragão, has September 18th. Herculano, in a note to the second edition of the “Roteiro”, is content with saying that it happened at the end of August or at the beginning of September. Texeira de Aragão assumes (on the ground of a vague expression in De Barros) that he reached Terceira on August 29th, arrived at Lisbon on September 9th, and made his triumphal entry into the town on September 18th. This assumption is partly supported by the statement of Barros that Vasco da Gama, after his arrival at Belem, on account of the loss he had suffered in the death of a beloved brother, spent nine days in retirement.237

I am myself inclined to believe that Vasco da Gama reached Lisbon on August 29th, and made his triumphal entry on September 8th.]

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[THE KINGDOMS TO THE SOUTH OF CALECUT.]

The following are the names of certain kingdoms on the coast to the south of Calecut, together with the productions of each, and what they are worth, all of which I have learnt in the most trustworthy manner from a man who spoke our language and who had come to those parts from Alexandria thirty years before.238

Calecut, where we were.The articles of merchandise mentioned below are sent to it, and the vessels of Mecca take their cargoes to that city.The King, who is called Çamolim, can muster 100,000 fighting men, including auxiliaries, for the number under his proper jurisdiction is very small.

In the following we give the articles of merchandise brought thither in the vessels of Mecca, and their value throughout this part of India239:—

Copper, of which the frazila of nearly 30 pounds is worth 50 fanãos or 3 cruzados.

Stone of Baqua,240 which is worth its weight in silver.

Knives, worth one fanão each.

Rosewater, worth 50 fanãos the frazila.

Alum, worth 50 fanãos the frazila.

Camlot, worth 7 cruzados the piece.

Red cloth, worth 2 cruzados the pequy241 of three spans (palmas).

Quicksilver, worth 10 cruzados the frazila.

Quorongoliz [Corongolor]242 is a Christian country and the king is a Christian. Its distance from Calecut by sea, and with a favourable wind, is 3 days. The king can muster 40,000 fighting men. There is much pepper, the frazila being worth 9 fanãos, whilst at Calecut it is worth 14.

Coleu [Colam, Coulão]243 is Christian. Its distance from Calecut by sea, and with a good wind, is 10 days. The king can muster 10,000 men. There is much cotton-cloth in this country, but little pepper.

Caell [Cael],244 the king of which is a Moor, whilst the people are Christians. Its distance from Calecut, by sea, is 10 days. The king can assemble 4,000 fighting men, and owns 100 war-elephants. There are many pearls.

Chomandarla [Choramandel]245 is inhabited by Christians, and the king is a Christian. He can muster 100,000 men. There is much lac here, worth half a cruzado the frazila, and an extensive manufacture of cotton cloths.

Ceylam [Ceylon] is a very large island inhabited by Christians under a Christian king. It is 8 days from Calecut, with a favourable wind. The king can muster 4,000 men, and has moreover many elephants for war as well as for sale. All the fine cinnamon of India is found here, as well as many sapphires, superior to those of other countries,246 besides rubies, few but of good quality.

Camatarra [Sumatra] is Christian. It is 30 days from Calecut with a favourable wind. The king can muster 4,000 fighting men, and has 1,000 horsemen and 300 war-elephants.In this country much spun247 silk is found, worth 8 cruzados the frazila. There is also much lac, worth 10 cruzados the bahar of 20 frazilas [208 kilo.] .

Xarnauz248 is Christian and has a Christian king. Its distance from Calecut is 50 days with a good wind. The king can muster 20,000 fighting men and 4,000 horse, and owns 400 war-elephants. In this country is found much benzoin,249 worth 3 cruzados the frazila, as also much aloes,250 worth 25 cruzados the frazila.

Tenacar251 is Christian with a Christian king. It is 40 days’ sail from Calecut, if the wind is favourable. The king can muster 10,000 fighting men and possesses 500 fighting elephants. In this country is found much Brazil-wood252 which yields a red dye, as fine as kermes, and is worth 3 cruzados the bahar, whilst at Quayro [Cairo] it fetches 60. There is likewise a little aloes.

Bemgala [Bengal].253 In this kingdom there are many Moors and few Christians, and the king is a Christian. He can muster 20,000 fighting men on foot and 10,000 horse. In this country there is much cloth made of cotton and of silk, and much silver. The distance from Calecut is 40 days’ sail, with a favourable wind.

Melequa [Malacca] is Christian with a Christian king. It is 40 days’ sail from Qualecut [Calecut], with a good wind. The king can muster 10,000 fighting men, including 1,200 horse. All cloves254 come from here, being worth on the spot 9 cruzados the bahar,255 as also nutmeg, which is worth the like amount. There is also much porcelain, much silk and much tin, of which last they coin money; but this money is heavy and of little value, 3 frazilas being worth only 1 cruzado. There are many big parrots in this country, whose plumage is red, like fire.

Peguo [Pegu] is Christian and has a Christian king. The inhabitants are as white as we are. The king can muster 20,000 fighting men, scilicet 10,000 horse and the others on foot, besides 400 war-elephants. This country produces all the musk256 of the world. The king possesses an island about four days’ sail, with a good wind, from the mainland. In this island there are animals like deer, who have pouches containing this musk, attached to their navels.At a certain period of each year they rub themselves against trees, when the pouches come off.It is then that the people of the country gather them.Their abundance is such that they give you four large pouches, or ten to twelve small ones, which would fill a large chest, for one cruzado.On the mainland many rubies257 and much gold are found. For ten cruzados as much gold may be bought here as for twenty-five at Calecut. There is also much lac and benzoin of two kinds, white and black. The frazila of white benzoin is worth three cruzados, of black only a cruzado and a half. The silver to be obtained here for ten cruzados is worth fifteen at Calecut.

The distance of this country from Calecut is thirty days with a fair wind.

Bemguala [Bengal]258 has a Moorish king, and is inhabited by both Moors and Christians. Its distance from Calecut is thirty-five days with a fair wind. There may be 25,000 fighting men, scilicet 10,000 horse and the remainder on foot, as also 400 war-elephants. In this country the following merchandise is found:—much corn and much cloth of great value. Cloth which may be bought here for ten cruzados is worth forty at Calecut. There is also much silver.

Conimata259 has a Christian king and Christian inhabitants. It is fifty days’ sail from Calecut, with a good wind.

The king can assemble five or six thousand men, and owns one thousand fighting elephants.In this country there are many sapphires and much brazil-wood.

Pater260 has Christian inhabitants and a Christian king, and there is not a single Moor. The king can assemble four thousand fighting men, and has a hundred war-elephants. In this country is found much rhubarb, the frazila on the spot being worth nine cruzados. There are also many spinel rubies and much lac, a bahar of which is worth four cruzados. The distance from Calecut is fifty days with a fair wind.

About Elephants.

How the Elephants fight in this country.

They make a house of wood holding four men, and this house is put on the back of the elephant with the four men in it.The elephant has attached five naked swords to each of his tusks, being ten for the two tusks.This renders him so redoubtable that none awaits his attack if flight is possible.Whatever those seated on the top order to be done is done as if he were a rational creature, for if they tell him “kill this one, or do this thing or another”, he does it.

How they capture Elephants in the Primeval Forests.

When they wish to capture a wild elephant they take a tame female, and dig a large hole on the track frequented by elephants, and cover its mouth with brushwood. They then tell the female “Go!and if you meet with an elephant, entice him to this hole, in such a way that he falls into it, but take care that you do not fall into it yourself.”She then goes away, and does as she has been told, and when she meets one she draws him on in such a way that he must fall into the hole, and the hole is so deep that unaided he could never get out of it.

How they are got out of the hole and broken-in.

After the elephant has fallen into this hole, five or six days are allowed to pass before he is given anything to eat.When that time has elapsed, a man brings him a very small supply of food, the supply being increased from day to day until he eats by himself.This is continued for about a month, during which time those who bring him food gradually tame him, until at last they venture to descend into the hole.This is done for several days until he permits the man to put his hands upon his tusks.He then goes into the hole and puts heavy chains around the legs, and whilst in this condition they train him so well that he learns all but to speak.

These elephants are kept in stables like horses, and a good elephant is worth 2,000 cruzados.261

Prices at Alexandria.262

				[Value per Pound.]
				£.	s.	d.
One quintal of cinnamon	is worth	25	cruzados,		2	5
One”quin”al ofcloves	”	20	cruz”		1	11
One”quin”al ofpepper	”	15	cruz”		1	5
One”quin”al ofginger	”	21	cruz”		2	0
(At Calecut one bahar, equal to 5 quintals, is worth 20 cruzados)					0	5
One quintal of nutmeg	is worth	16	cruz”	0	1	7
One”quin”al oflac	”	25	cruz”	0	2	5
One”quin”al ofBrazil-wood	”	10	cruz”	0	1	10
One ratel of rhubarb	”	25	cruz”	5	16	0
One mitikal of musk	”	1	cruz”	50	5	4
One ratel of aloe-wood	”	2	cruz”	0	19	4
One ratel of benzoin	”	1	cruz”	0	9	8
One quintal of frankincense	”	2	cruz”	0	0	2½
(At Mecca the bahar is worth 2 cruzados)				0	0	0½

[A VOCABULARY OF MALAYALAM.]

This is the Language of Calecut.263

See, look!	nocane [nōkka].
Hearest thou?	que que ne [kēlka].
Take him away	criane.
To draw	balichene [walikkān].
Rope	coraoo [kayara].
Largely	lacany.
Give me	cornda.
To drink	carichany [kutippān].
Eat	tinane [tinmān].
Take	y na.
I do not wish to	totenda.
To go	mareçane.
Go away!	poo [pō].
Come here!	baa [bā or wā].
Be silent!	pote.
Rise!	legany.
To throw	carecane [karikkān].
To speak	para ne [parane, speak thou].
Mad, silly	moto.
Serious	monday decany.
Lame	mura call [murakāl].
To fall	biamçe.
Many, much	balidu [walare].
Bad	betall [chītta].
Wind	clarle [kātta].
Little	chiredu [chiratu?]
Give him	criane.
Timber, wood	mara [maram].
Stone	calou [kallu].
Teeth	faley.
Lips	çire [chīra?]
Nose	muco [mūkka].
Eyes	cana [kanna].
Forehead	necheim [nīcha?]
Hair	talanay [talla].
Head	tabu.
Ears	cadee [chewi].
Tongue	naoo [nākka].
Neck	caestez.
[Breast]	mulay [mula].
Breasts	nane.
Arms	carit.
Stomach	barri [wayara].
Legs	cali [kāla].
—	canay.
—	seyrim.
—	cudo.
Hands	lamguajem [kai].
Fingers	beda.
—	cula.
Fish	miny [mīna].
Mast	mana.
Light, fire	tiir [tī].
To sleep	teraquy.
Man	amoo [āna].
Women	pena [penna].
Chin, beard	tari.
Lobster	xame.
Parrot	tata [tatta].
Doves	cayninaa.
—	baly.
To kiss	mucane.
To bite	canchany [katikkān].
To see, look	noquany [nokkuwān].
To hear	çegade [kēlkawān].
To beat	catane.
Wound	morubo.
Sword	batany.
Shield	cutany.
Bow	cayny.
Arrow	ambum [anpa].
Spear	concudoo.
To shoot with a bow	heany.
Sun	nerara.
Moon	neelan.
Heaven	mana.
The earth	caraa.
The sea	caralu.
Ship	capell [kappal].
Boat	çambuco.
Night	erabut.
Day	pagalala.
Eat	tinane [tinmān].
—	matara.
To mount	arricany.
To be on foot	anicany.
To go, travel	narecane.
To embrace	traigany.
Blows	talancy.
To mourn, wail	que ne.
To raise	alagany.
To dance	canechane.
To throw with stones or wood	ouriany.
To sing	fareny.
Rain	ma jaa [mara].
Water	tany [tanni].
Blind	curuge [kurutan, blind man].
Maimed of a hand	muruquay [murukai].
—	panany.
Take!	ennay.
Let us go!	pomga [pomka].
East	careçache [kirakka].
West	mecache [patinynyara].
North	barcangache [watakka].
South	tycamgarche [tekka].
Dog	naa [nāya].
Bitch	pena [pennāya].
Young man	hum nee.
Girl	co poo.
House	pura [pura].
Needle	cu doo.
Rod	parima.
Oar	tandii [tandu].
A great gun	ve dii.
Top-sail	talii.
Halyard	anguaa.
Anchor	napara.
Flag	çoti [koti].
Rudder, helm	xoca.
Pilot	cu pajaoo.
Shoe	cacu paja.
Cap	tupy [topi].

The following are some of the Names [of Persons].

Tenae.	Aja paa.	Anapa.
Pumi.	A rreco.	Canapa.
Paramganda.	A xirama.	Gande.
Uja pee.	Cuerapa.	Rremaa.
Quilaba.	Cutotopa.	Mamgala.
Gouaa.

APPENDICES.

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APPENDIX A.

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TWO LETTERS OF KING MANUEL, 1499.

HE first of these letters is addressed to King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella, of Castile, whose daughter, Doña Isabella, King Manuel had married in October 1497.264 The letter is dated July 1499, and may have been written immediately after the arrival of Coelho’s vessel on July 10.

The draught, or copy, of this letter in the Torre do Tombo265 has been published by A. C. Texeira de Aragão in the Boletim of the Lisbon Geographical Society, VI, 1886, p. 673. It was published a second time in Alguns Documentos do Archivo National da Torre do Tombo, Lisbon, 1892, p. 95. There are several omissions in the latter version, due probably to the illegibility of the manuscript. In our rendering of this valuable document, all passages omitted in Alguns Documentos are printed in italics, while attention is directed to other differences by means of foot-notes.

The draught of the letter addressed to the “Cardinal Protector” also exists in the Torre do Tombo,266 but is evidently very illegible, for the text published by Texeira de Aragão is full of blanks. The original, as also the letter to Pope Alexander VI, to which reference is made, may possibly be discovered in Rome. The letter is dated August 28, 1499, that is, the day before Vasco da Gama’s supposed return to Lisbon. It was certainly written after the arrival of the S.Gabriel, for it refers to the “Moor of Tunis” or Monçaide, to the “Jew”, who subsequently became known as Gaspar da Gama, and to the men carried off from Calecut, none of whom is likely to have been on board Coelho’s small vessel.267

The “Cardinal Protector” can be identified with D.Jorge da Costa, a man of mean extraction, whom Doña Catharina, the virgin daughter of King Duarte, and sister of King Afonso IV, appointed her chaplain, and who subsequently rose to high dignities in the Church, until, finally, the Pope bestowed upon him a cardinal’s hat.King John took a dislike to the cardinal, who went to reside at Rome; but King Manuel had a high opinion of his wisdom, and soon after his accession, in 1495, he invited him, through Pedro Correa,268 his special ambassador to the Court of Rome, to return to Lisbon. The cardinal declined this invitation, pleading his great age and infirmities as an excuse, but ever afterwards attended most faithfully to the King’s business with the Pope.

I.—King Manuel’s Letter to the King and Queen of Castile, July 1499.

Most high and excellent Prince and Princess, most potent Lord and Lady!

Your Highnesses already know that we had ordered Vasco da Gama, a nobleman of our household, and his brother Paulo da Gama, with four vessels to make discoveries by sea, and that two years have now elapsed since their departure. And as the principal motive of this enterprise has been, with our predecessors, the service of God our Lord, and our own advantage,269 it pleased Him in His mercy to speed them on their route. From a message which has now been brought to this city by one of the captains,270 we learn that they did reach and discover India and other kingdoms and lordships bordering upon it; that they entered and navigated its sea, finding large cities, large edifices and rivers, and great populations, among whom is carried on all the trade in spices and precious stones, which are forwarded in ships (which these same explorers saw and met with in good numbers and of great size) to Mecca, and thence to Cairo, whence they are dispersed throughout the world. Of these [spices, etc.] they have brought a quantity, including cinnamon, cloves, ginger, nutmeg, and pepper, as well as other kinds, together with the boughs and leaves271 of the same; also many fine stones of all sorts, such as rubies and others. And they also came to a country in which there are mines of gold, of which [gold], as of the spices and precious stones, they did not bring as much as they could have done, for they took no merchandise with them.272

As we are aware that your Highnesses will hear of these things with much pleasure and satisfaction, we thought well to give this information. And your Highnesses may believe, in accordance with what we have learnt concerning the Christian people whom these explorers reached, that it will be possible, notwithstanding that they are not as yet strong in the faith or possessed of a thorough knowledge of it, to do much in the service of God and the exaltation of the Holy Faith, once they shall have been converted and fully fortified (confirmed) in it. And when they shall have thus been fortified in the faith there will be an opportunity for destroying the Moors of those parts.Moreover, we hope, with the help of God, that the great trade which now enriches the Moors of those parts, through whose hands it passes without the intervention of other persons or peoples, shall, in consequence of our regulations (ordenanços) be diverted to the natives and ships of our own kingdom, so that henceforth all Christendom, in this part of Europe, shall be able, in a large measure, to provide itself with these spices and precious stones. This, with the help of God, who in His mercy thus ordained it, will cause our designs and intentions to be pushed with more ardour [especially as respects] the war upon the Moors of the territories conquered by us in these parts, which your Highnesses are so firmly resolved upon, and in which we are equally zealous.

And we pray your Highnesses, in consideration of this great favour, which, with much gratitude, we received from Our Lord, to cause to be addressed to Him those praises which are His due.273

Most high and excellent Prince and Princess, most potent Lord and Lady, may the Lord our God ever hold your persons and kingdoms in His holy keeping

Written at Lisbon, July 1499.

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II.—King Manuel to the Cardinal Protector, August 28th, 1499.

Most Reverend Father in Christ, whom we love much as a brother!

We, Dom Manuel, by the Grace of God King of Portugal and of the Algarves on this side of and beyond the sea, in Africa, Lord of Guinea and of the Conquest the Navigation and Commerce of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia and India, We send to recommend to your Reverence ...very great news ...Our Lord having ended our labours in the exploration of Ethiopia and India, of other countries, and eastern islands ...we inform you with pleasure ...and in order that you may know the progress of events we enclose the draught of a letter which we wrote to the Holy Father ...Beyond what we wrote to his Holiness, your Reverence must know that those who have just returned from this investigation and discovery visited, among other ports of India, a city called Qualicut, whence they brought us cinnamon, cloves ...the King looks upon himself and the major part of his people as Christian ...throughout the year there are found there cucumbers, oranges, lemons and citrons ...there are great fleets ...The island of Taprobane, which is called Ceilam,274 is 150 leagues from Qualicut ... Our people brought five or six Indians from Qualicut ... moreover a Moor of Tunes ... and a Jew,275 who turned Christian, and who is a merchant and lapidary, and well acquainted with the coasts from Alexandria to India, and beyond with the interior (sertão) and Tartary as far as the major sea....As soon as we had these news we ordered general processions to be made throughout our kingdom, returning many thanks to Our Lord ...His Holiness and your Reverence must (deve) publicly rejoice no less and give many praises to God.Also, whereas by Apostolical276 grants we enjoy very fully the sovereignty and dominion of all we have discovered, in such manner that little or nothing else seems needed, yet would it please us, and we affectionately beg that after you shall have handed our letters to the Holy Father and the College of Cardinals, it may please you, speaking in this as if from yourself, to ask for a fresh expression of satisfaction with reference to a matter of such novelty and great and recent merit, so as to obtain His Holiness’s renewed approval and declaration, in such form as may appear best to you, most Reverend Father, whom Our Lord hold in his keeping.

Written at Lisbon, August 28, 1499.xxxxxxxxxxxxxxThe King.

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APPENDIX B.

This portrait formerly belonged to the Conde de Farrobo, who had it from the Casa de Niza.It was presented to the Museu in 1866 by King D.Ferdinand.It dates back, apparently, to the first quarter of the sixteenth century.In 1845 it was restored by Luiz Tirinanzi.The above is taken from a photograph kindly forwarded by Senhor José Bastos, of Lisbon.The signature attached (Ho Conde Almyrante) is that of Vasco da Gama.

The portrait in the possession of the Conde de Lavradio, which was published in Lord Stanley of Alderley’s The Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama, is a copy of the above.

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GIROLAMO SERNIGI’S LETTERS ON VASCO DA GAMA’S FIRST VOYAGE.

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Girolamo Sernigi was born in Florence in 1453.His father, Cipriano di Chimenti, was a member of the Clothiers’ Guild, and was held in high respect by his fellow citizens.The family became extinct in 1680.277

Girolamo was residing at Lisbon, where he had settled as a merchant, when Vasco da Gama’s expedition returned from India.He remained there for many years afterwards, and in 1510 commanded a vessel which went out to Malacca with the fleet of Diogo Mendez de Vasconcellos.278

In addition to the letters giving an account of the voyage of Vasco da Gama, he wrote others dealing with the trade between Portugal and India. Some of these will be found in the Diari of Marino Sanuto.

Manuscript copies of these letters exist in the Biblioteca Riccardiana, Florence (Codices 1910, f.61, and 2112b), in the library of Mr. Ralph Sneyd, of Newcastle-under-Lyne, and possibly elsewhere.I am indebted to the mediation of Dr. R.Garnett and the kindness of Professor Biagi, chief librarian of the Biblioteca Mediceo-Laurenciana, at Florence, for a careful copy of Codex 1910.The MS. in the library of Mr. Sneyd formerly belonged to Count Soranzo of Venice, and Prof. Guglielmo Berchet of that city quotes passages from it in his valuable contribution to the “Raccolta Colombiana”.279 I regret to say that I failed in my endeavours to secure a copy of this valuable manuscript.Fortunately, to judge from the few extracts given by Prof. Berchet, there seems to be no reason to suppose that it differs in any essential respect from the other documents of which I was able to avail myself.

The two letters addressed to a gentleman at Florence were published for the first time in Fracanzio di Montalboddo’s famous Paesi novamente retrovati, Vicenza, 1507.This seems to be a faithful reproduction of the original, except that a few passages have been omitted, and that the letters have been divided into chapters, each with a distinctive heading.Ramusio,280 who republished these letters in 1550, has taken much greater liberties with their writer. He has not merely improved his literary style, but has also condensed many passages, not always very happily, and suppressed others altogether. The more important of these omissions, and occasional additions, have been pointed out by me in the notes appended to the present translation.

The writer’s name is not mentioned by Fracanzio or Ramusio.Bandini281 rashly suggested it was Amerigo Vespucci, who addressed these letters to Dr. Lorenzo di Pierfrancesco de’ Medici. Professor Kopke282 devotes several pages to a refutation of this untenable hypothesis. It suffices to state that Vespucci was away with Alonzo de Hojeda in the West Indies, from May 1499 to February 1500, and cannot consequently have been at Lisbon in July 1499, when the first vessel of Vasco da Gama’s fleet came back from India.283

To Baldelli Boni is due the credit of having first made known the name of the actual writer, and of having directed attention to the copy of the first letter existing in the Riccardian library.284

The first of these letters was undoubtedly written immediately after the arrival of Coelho’s vessel, on July 10th.The information it conveys was obtained from various members of the expedition, and there is at least one passage in it which shows that it was not all written on the same day.

The second letter was written some time afterwards, for it embodies information obtained from the “pilot”, Gaspar da Gama, who had not come back when the first letter was written (see p. 136). This intelligent informant reached Lisbon on board the flag-ship, the S.Gabriel, the command of which had been entrusted by Vasco da Gama to his clerk, João de Sá, when he himself left São Thiago in a caravel for Terçeira.

Both these letters are addressed to a gentleman at Florence with whom the writer was not on terms of familiarity, and whom he consequently addresses as “Vossignoria”.This need not, however, be translated as “your Lordship”, for that style of address was customary in the case of persons of much humbler degree.

The third letter is undoubtedly by the same writer. An abstract of it, in German, was discovered among the papers of Conrad Peutinger, of Augsburg, the antiquarian, and at one time the owner of the famous Tabula PeutingerianaIt was first published, together with other documents dealing with early voyages to the New World and to India, by Dr. G.Greiff, in 1861.285

Peutinger286 was shown this letter during a temporary visit to Rome, and made the abstract thus published. He states explicitly that the letter was addressed to the author’s brotherCovering the same ground as the preceding letters, and written about the same time, it is only natural that there should occur many similar passages; and this would in all probability be even more apparent if we were in a position to collate the letter seen by Peutinger at Rome with that preserved in the “Riccardiana”.But the letter, notwithstanding, is quite distinct from the letters addressed to a gentleman in Florence.The arrangement of the subjects dealt with is different, and whilst we meet with paragraphs not to be found in either of the other letters, there are numerous omissions.Among these latter we may direct attention to the speculation about the Chinese being Germans, which would most certainly not have been passed over by a German.

The Peutinger letter was written after the captain had come back “a salvamento” to Lisbon with the “one vessel” of 90 tons, not previously accounted for. This definite statement is rather puzzling, for if Vasco da Gama really came home in his flagship, we are either compelled to reject the statements of such well-accredited historians as De Barros, Goes, and Castanheda, who affirm that the captain-major ordered João de Sá to take his flagship, the S.Gabriel, to Lisbon, whilst he himself chartered a swift caravel which conveyed himself and his dying brother to the Azores; or we must assume that João de Sá, having refitted the S.Gabriel at São Thiago, joined his chief at Terçeira, and returned with him to Lisbon.287 We are inclined to believe that we have before us an inaccurate statement made by the writer of the letter, or else an erroneous rendering of his meaning by Peutinger. The letter was certainly written after the arrival of João de Sá in the S.Gabriel, but Vasco da Gama himself, coming direct from Terçeira, may have reached Lisbon a day or two later: these two distinct events becoming thus blended, as it were, in the mind of a man not thoroughly informed of the matter.

We have contented ourselves with printing a few extracts from Peutinger’s letter.

Girolamo Sernigi’s First Letter to a Gentleman at Florence.288

[The Start.]

The most illustrious Lord Manuel of Portugal sent 3 new vessels to discover new countries, namely 2 vessels289 (balonieri) of 90 tons each, and one of 50 tons, in addition to which there was a ship (navetta), of one hundred and ten tons, laden with provisions. Between them they took away cxviij men,290 and they left this city of Lisbon on July 9 1497.291 Vasco da Gama went as captain of this fleet.

[The Voyage.]

On July x 1499 the vessel of 50 tons came back to this city.292 The captain, Vasco da Gama, remained at the Cape Verde islands with one of the vessels of 90 tons in order to land there his brother Paulo da Gama, who was very ill.293 The other vessel of 90 tons was burnt because there were not people enough to navigate and steer her. The store-ship also was burnt, for it was not intended she should return.

In the course of the voyage there died 55 men from a disease which first attacked the mouth, and thence descended to the throat; they also suffered great pain in the legs from the knee downwards.

They discovered 1800 leagues294 (each league being equal to 4¼ of our miles) of new land beyond the cape of Good Hope, which cape was first discovered in the time of King John. Beyond that cape they followed the coast for about 600 leagues295 and met with a dense population of black people. And when they had made these 600 leagues they discovered a large river,296 and at the mouth of that river a great village inhabited by black people, who are, as it were, subject to the Moors. These Moors live in the interior of the country, and continually make war upon the blacks. And in this river, according to these blacks, are found immense quantities (infinite) of gold; and they told the captain that if he would tarry a moon,297 that is a month, they would give him gold in plenty.But the captain would not wait, and went about 350 leagues298 further, and discovered a great walled city, with very good stone houses in the Moorish style, inhabited by Moors of the colour of Indians. There the captain landed, and the Moorish king of this city received him with much feasting (chon gran festa), and gave him a pilot for crossing the gulf. This city is called Melinde, and lies at the entrance of a gulf, the whole of which is peopled by Moors. This pilot spoke Italian.299

[The Arabian Sea.]

This gulf is above 700 leagues across,300 and they crossed it from side to side, and came to a very large city, larger than Lisbon, inhabited by Christians, and called Chalichut.

On both sides of this gulf there is a dense population of Moors, with great towns and castles.301 At the termination of this gulf there is a strait302 like that of Romania,303 and having passed through this strait there is another and greater gulf, which is the Red Sea. And from the right hand of this to the house of Mecca, where is the tomb of Mohammed, is 3 days’ journey by land. At the said house of Mecca is a very great town of Moors. I am of opinion that this is the Gulf of Arabia,304 concerning which Pliny wrote that Alexander the Great went there, to make war, as also did the Romans, who took all by war.

[Chalichut.]

Let us return to the above-named city of Chalichut, which is bigger than Lisbon, and peopled by Christian Indians, as said.305

In this city are churches with bells,306 but there are no priests, and the divine offices are not performed nor sacrificial [masses] celebrated, but in each church there is a pillar holding water, in the manner of the fonts holding our holy water, and a second pillar with balm. They bathe once every 3 years in a river which is near the city.307 The houses in this city are of stone and mortar, in the Moorish style, and the roads laid out and straight as are these.308

[An Audience.]

And the king of this city is waited upon in grand style (molto altamente), and keeps regal state, having his chamberlains, door-keepers, and barons,309 as also a very sumptuous palace. When the captain of the said vessel arrived at the city the king was away at a castle at a distance of about 6 leagues, and having been informed that Christians had arrived he at once came to the city attended by about 5000 persons.310 After the lapse of 3 days the king sent for the captain, who had stayed in his vessel. The captain, with xii of his men, went at once, and about 5000 persons accompanied him from the shore as far as the palace of the king, at the gate of which stood x doorkeepers with silver-mounted sticks. Having entered he proceeded to a chamber where the king reposed upon a low couch. The whole of the floor was covered with green velvet,311 whilst around it was drapery of variously-coloured damask. The couch had a very fine white coverlet, all worked with gold thread, and above it was a canopy, very white, delicate and sumptuous.

The king at once asked312 the captain what he had come to seek. The captain replied that it was the custom among Christians that when an ambassador had to deliver his message to a prince he should do so in secret and not in public. The king, upon this, ordered all his people outside. The captain then said that the King of Portugal had long since heard of his Highness (alteza) and that he was a Christian king. Being desirous of his friendship he had been ordered to visit him, as was the custom between Christian kings.

The king received this message (ambascata) most graciously, and ordered the Christian captain to be lodged in the house of a very rich Moor.

[Moorish Merchants.]

In this city there reside many very wealthy Moorish merchants, and all the trade is in their hands.313 They have a fine mosque314 in the square of the town. The king is, as it were, governed by these Moors because of the presents which they give him; and owing to their industry315 the government is wholly in their hands, for these Christians are coarse people.

[Spice Trade.]

All kinds of spices are to be found in this city of Chalichut, such as cinnamon, pepper, ginger, frankincense, lac; and brazil-wood abounds in the forests.These spices do not grow here, but316 in a certain island at a distance of 160 leagues from this city, near the mainland. It can be reached overland in xx days and is inhabited by Moors.317 All the above spices are brought to this city as to a staple.318

[Coins.]

The coins most in circulation in this city are serafins of fine gold, coined by the Sultan of Babylonia,319 which weigh 2 or 3 grains less than a ducat, and are called serafins.320 There also circulate some Venetian and Genoese ducats, as also small silver coins, which must likewise be of the coinage of said sultan.

[Merchandise.]

There is abundance of silken stuffs, namely, velvets of various colours,321 satins, damask, taffetas, brocades worked in gold, scarlet cloth, brass and tin ware.322 In fine, all these things are to be found in abundance, and it is my opinion that the cloths worked in gold and the silks are brought thither from Cairo.

[Shipping.]

The Portuguese remained three months at that town, namely, from May 21323 to August 25, and during that time there arrived about 1,500 Moorish vessels in search of spices. The largest of these vessels did not exceed 800 tons.324 They are of all sorts, large and small. Having only one mast they can make headway only with the wind astern, and sometimes are obliged to wait from four to six months for fair weather [the monsoon or season].

Many of these vessels are lost.325 They are badly built,326 and very frail. They carry neither arms nor artillery.

The vessels which visit the islands to carry spices to this city of Chalichut are flat-bottomed, so as to draw little water, for there are many dry places (shoals).Some of these vessels are built without any nails or iron,327 for they have to pass over the loadstone.

All the vessels, as long as they remain at this city, are drawn up on the beach, for there is no port where they would be safe otherwise.328

[Prices.]

A load of cinnamon equal to 5 Lisbon cantars329 is worth in that city between x and xii ducats, or serafins, at most; but in the islands where it is collected it is worth only half that sum. Pepper and cloves are rated similarly. Ginger330 and cinnamon are worth more than any other spices, but lac is worth next to nothing, and they ballast their vessels with it, that is calk them.331 Brazil-wood abounds in the forests.

In payment they only take gold and silver; coral and other merchandise of our parts they esteem but little,332 linen-cloth excepted, which I believe would find a ready market, as the sailors bartered some of their shirts very profitably for spices, although very fine white linen cloth, probably imported from Cairo, is found there.

There is a custom-house in this city as elsewhere, and merchandise pays a duty of 5 p.c.

The Portuguese who returned home brought a few precious stones of little value, for, in truth, they had neither gold nor silver to buy any.They say that these jewels are very dear there, as also are pearls, but I believe they are to be had cheap.This is my opinion, but those they bought were in the hands of Moorish brokers, who sell at a fourfold profit.They have brought some balasci,333 sapphires and very small rubies, as also many garnets. They say that the captain brings some valuable jewels, which he bought with the silver which he had at his disposal, but as he has not yet come back it is not known what he brings.334

[Trade with Egypt and East Africa.]

Most of the vessels which lade spices at Chalichut cross the large gulf, mentioned above, over which the pilot took them; they then pass through the strait.335 The Red Sea is crossed in smaller vessels, after which they proceed by land to the House of Mecca, which is a journey of 3 days. They then take the route for Cairo, past the foot of Mount Sinai, and through a desert of sand where, they say, high winds sometimes raise the sand in such a manner that it covers them. Some of the spice-vessels visit all the cities of the gulf, others go to the mouth of the great river,336 where gold is found and a Moorish population, and there discharge their cargoes.

They found in this city of Chalichut barrels of Malvasia337 from Candia, and I believe that they were brought from Cairo, as is other merchandise.

[Chinese Visitors.]

It is now about 80 years since there arrived in this city of Chalicut certain vessels of white Christians, who wore their hair long like Germans, and had no beards except around the mouth, such as are worn at Constantinople by cavaliers and courtiers.338 They landed, wearing a cuirass, helmet, and vizor, and carrying a certain weapon [sword] attached to a spear. Their vessels are armed with bombards, shorter than those in use with us. Once every two years they return with 20 or 25 vessels. They are unable to tell what people they are, nor what merchandise they bring to this city, save that it includes very fine linen-cloth and brass-ware. They load spices. Their vessels have four masts like those of Spain. If they were Germans it seems to me that we should have had some notice about them; possibly they may be Russians if they have a port there. On the arrival of the captain we may learn who these people are, for the Italian-speaking pilot, who was given him by the Moorish king,339 and whom he took away contrary to his inclinations, is with him, and may be able to tell.340

[Food.]

Corn in abundance is found in this city of Chalichut, it being brought thither by the Moors.For 3 reals,341 which are smaller than ours, bread sufficient for the daily sustenance of a man can be purchased. Their bread is unleavened, resembling small cakes, which are baked daily in the ashes. Rice, likewise, is found in abundance. There are cows and oxen. They are small, but yield much milk and butter. Oranges of indifferent flavour342 are plentiful, as also lemons, citrons and limes, very good melons,343 dates, fresh and dried, and great variety of other kinds of fruit.

The king of this city of Chalichut eats neither of meat nor fish nor anything that has been killed, nor do his barons, courtiers, or other persons of quality, for they say that Jesus Christ344 said in his law that he who kills shall die. For this reason they refuse to eat anything that has been killed, and it is a great thing that they should be able to support themselves without eating meat or fish.345 The common people eat meat and fish, but they do not eat oxen or cows, for they hold these animals to be blessed (benedetto), and when they meet an ox on the highway they touch him, and afterwards kiss their hand, as a sign of great humility.

The king lives on rice, milk and butter,346 and so do his barons and some of the other men of quality.And the king is waited upon right royally at table.He drinks palm-wine out of a silver cup.This cup he does not put to his mouth, but holds at some distance and pours the wine down his throat.

[Fish.]

The fish are of the same kinds as are those of Portugal, namely, perch,347 soles,348 bream,349 salmon, mullets, and so of all other kinds. And there are fishermen who go a-fishing350 [soles and salmon].

[Elephants.]

The Christians ride on elephants, of whom there are many: they are domesticated.When the king goes to war most of his people go on foot, but some are mounted on elephants; but when he goes from place to place he causes himself to be carried by some among the principal men of his court.351

[Dress.]

All or most of these people are clothed in cotton-cloths from the waist down to the knee, but from the waist upwards they go naked.Courtiers and men of condition dress in the same manner, but make use of silk-stuffs, reddish or scarlet or of other colours, as seems good to them.352 The wives (ladies) of men of condition are clothed above the girdle in very white and delicate linen; but the wives of lower degree are naked above the waist.353 The Moors dress according to their custom in jubbi and balandrau354

[Distance to Lisbon.]

From this city of Chalichut to Lisbon is a distance of 3800 leagues,355 and at the rate of 4½ miles to the league this makes 17,100 miles, and as much again for the return voyage. From this the time in which such a voyage can be made may be judged, it requiring from 15 to 16 months.

[Native Navigation.]

The mariners of that part, namely the Moors, do not guide themselves by the Pole in navigating this gulf, but trust to quadrants of wood.356 When they cross the gulf to that side, so they were told by the pilot, they leave a thousand or more islands357 to the right; and whoever gets among these will be lost as there are many rocks (shoals), and I am inclined to think that they be those which were discovered by the King of Castile.358

[Prester John.]

At the city of Chalichut they have some knowledge of Prester John,359 but not much, as he is far away. These Christians believe that Jesus Christ was born of the Virgin Mary, without sin, was crucified and killed by the Jews, and buried at Jerusalem. They also have some knowledge of the Pope of Rome, but know nothing of our faith beyond this.They [the people of Prester John] have letters and a written language.

[Articles of Commerce.]

In this city are found many tusks of elephants, also much cotton, sugar and sweetmeats, and all the wealth of the world seems now to have been discovered.

I presume that wine would prove a good article in these parts, and very acceptable to these Christians.Oil, too, is in demand.

Justice is strictly administered in this city.Robbers, murderers, and other malefactors are incontinently impaled in the Turkish fashion; and whoever defrauds the king’s excise (customs) is punished by having his merchandise confiscated.

Civet, musk, ambergris and storax are met with.360

[Spice Islands.]

The island where the spices grow is called Zilon, and is 60361 leagues from said city. In that island grow the trees which yield very good cinnamon; as also pepper.362 However, there is still another island [in which spices grow]. Cinnamon and pepper also grow on the mainland, around this city, but the quality is inferior to the products of the islands. Ginger grows on the mainland, and is of very good quality. Cloves grow at a great distance. Of rhubarb there is much, and many other kinds of spices are found there, as also many almonds.363

[The Arabian Sea.]

I stated above that the gulf was wholly peopled by Moors, but I have since364 learnt that this is not the case. Only the shore on this side [the west], where is the city of Melinde, is wholly inhabited by white Moors, whilst the further [eastern] shore is peopled by Christian Indians, who are white as we are.Along the coast and throughout the mainland much corn, meat and fruit are produced.

The country around the city of Melinde is very fertile, and many of these provisions are shipped from it to Chalichut, for most of the land around the latter is sandy and yields no fruit.365

[The Monsoons.]

There are only two dominant winds in those parts, namely westerly and easterly winds, and it is winter during the former and summer during the latter.

[Artists.]

There are many excellent painters in this city of Ghalinde,366 of figures as well as of other subjects.

[Architecture.]

Neither Ghalinde nor any of the other cities is enclosed within walls or otherwise, but there are many good houses, built in the Moorish style, of stone and mortar, and streets regularly laid out (ordinate).367

[Ceylon.]

In the island of Zilon, where the cinnamon grows, are found many precious stones and the biggest sapphires.

Girolamo Sernigi.

Lisbon.

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Girolamo Sernigi’s Second Letter to a Gentleman of Florence.368

Since I sent you full particulars about India and its discovery there has arrived here the pilot whom they took by force.He appeared to be a Sclavonian and turns out to be a Jew, born at Alexandria, or in those parts, and thence went to India when very young.At Calichut he has a wife and children.He owned a ship and went several times to sea.

[Spices.]

This man told wonderful things about those countries, and their wealth in spices.The best and finest cinnamon is procured from another island [Ceylon], about 150 leagues beyond Calichut and very near the mainland.This island is inhabited by Moors.Pepper and cloves come from more distant parts.

[Jews.]

He says that there are not many Jews there; and that there is a King of the Jews of the ten tribes of the Jewish people which went out of Egypt.369

[Christians.]

He says that in those countries there are many gentiles, that is idolaters, and only a few Christians;370 that the supposed churches and belfries are in reality temples of idolaters, and that the pictures within them are those of idols and not of Saints. To me this seems more probable than saying that there are Christians but no divine administrations, no priests and no sacrificial mass. I do not understand that there are any Christians there to be taken into account,371 excepting those of Prester John, whose country is far from Calichut, on this [i.e., the western] side of the Gulf of Arabia, and borders upon the country of the King of Melinde, and, far in the interior, upon the Ethiopians, that is the black people of Guinea, as also upon Egypt, that is the country of the Sultan of Babylon [Cairo].This Prester John has priests, who offer sacrifices, respect the Gospels and the Laws of the Church, much as is done by other Christians.

[Trade with Egypt.]

The Sultan has a port on the Red Sea, and the route from Alexandria to that port passes throughout through his territories, it being a journey of quite lxxx days.372 At that port all spices coming from Calichut are discharged.

[A Pearl Fishery.]

There is an island about a league from the mainland,373 inhabited by fishermen, who do nothing but fish for pearls. There is no water in the island, and many barges go daily to a large river on the mainland where they are filled with water—no tubs or barrels being used. When the animals of the island see these barges return, they immediately hasten to the shore to drink out of these barges. Pearls are not fished at any island except this one which lies quite 60 leagues374 this side of Calichut. It is inhabited by gentiles, who set great store by cows and oxen, whom they almost worship, so that anyone discovered to have eaten beef is adjudged guilty of death.375

[Taprobana.]

Taprobana, concerning which Pliny wrote so fully, was not known to the pilot, for it must be quite out at sea, far away from the mainland.376

[A Pagoda.]

At Calichut there is a temple and whoever enters it before noon on a seventh Wednesday dies377 because of diabolical apparitions. The Jewish pilot affirms that this is most certainly true, and that on a certain day of the year some lamps in this same temple begin to burn spontaneously and cause many deformities of nature to appear.

[Moorish Navigation.]

He, moreover, stated that in those seas they navigate without compasses, but with the aid of quadrants of wood.This seems to be a difficult thing to do, especially during a fog, when it is impossible to see the stars.They also have a kind of very small anchor, but I do not know how it is used.378 The planks of their vessels are held together by cords, and they are three palms longer than the beam. All the vessels of that country are built at Calichut, for no wood is found elsewhere.

[Suitable Exports.]

The articles of merchandise most suitable for that country seem to be coral, copper kettles and thin plates of the same metal; tartar, spectacles (for there are countries where a pair of them fetches a high price), coarse linens, wine, oil, thin brocades, and also boccasins, that is cloths.The said Jew has thrown much light on all these matters.

[Plans of King Manuel.]

Our King of Portugal is very keen in this matter and has already ordered four vessels to be got ready, besides two caravels, well armed, to sail in January with plenty of merchandise.379 Should the King of Calicut not allow the Portuguese to trade in those countries, the captain of these vessels is instructed to capture as many native craft as he can. In my opinion he will be able to capture as many as he chooses, for they are frail, and so badly constructed that they can only sail before the wind. Of these native vessels, engaged in the spice trade, there are very many.

[Elephants.]

The principal animals of this country are elephants, which they employ in war.On the back of the animal they place a kind of castle sheltering three or four fighting men, in addition to whom there is one man, and he the most important, who guides the animal, as described by Pliny.380 Some kings there are who have 1500 elephants each, others a thousand and others eight hundred, according to the extent of their dominions. When they wish to beach their ships they do so by the strength of these animals, and they make them run, which seems fabulous, but is nevertheless true.

[Precious Stones.]

Those who have returned say that precious stones (jewels) are plentiful, but dear in comparison with other merchandise. Neither the captain nor the others have brought back jewels worth taking into account, and this makes me think that they are not found there, but come from afar.The princes and kings of those countries value precious stones very much.

Storax, benzoin, civet and similar things are not as plentiful there as I was led to believe.

[The Royal Title.]

Our king has taken a title from those countries, viz.King of Portugal and Algarve on this and on the other side of the sea, in Africa, Lord of Guinea, and of the conquest, the navigation and commerce of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia and India.

This is what I was able to learn from some persons of intelligence who returned with this fleet.And if I have written it down somewhat at random you, Sir,381 will pardon and excuse me.

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Extracts from Girolamo Sernigi’s Letter to his Brother, 1499.

From an Abstract made by Conrad Peutinger at Rome.

...

The four vessels left Lisbon on July 10, 1499 ... The captain remained behind with three vessels, because his brother Paulo da Gama, was sick unto death. He landed him at an island called Capo Verde, far from Lisbon, and burnt two vessels, the one of 110 tons and one of 90 tons, so that they might not fall into the hands of the heathen [Mohammedans], for 55 of his people had died, and he was unable to bring these ships home with the remaining 63 men. Afterwards the captain came a Sambameno (a salvamento, safely) back to Lisbon with the one ship.382

...On the voyage out from Lisbon the vessels came to some distant islands where they [the Portuguese] had been before.383 Beyond these islands they came to a gulf, or arm of the sea, which they crossed, having the land always to the left and the broad sea to the right....

Various kinds of spices are brought from distant islands to Colokutt. Pepper, brazil-wood, grao,384 cinnamon, frankincense, lac, are to be found there. These things abound and are worth next to nothing. Of brazil-wood there is plenty. There are likewise many ivory tusks and various other kinds of merchandise, such as variously-coloured silk-stuffs, costly cloth worked in gold, fine white linen, and woollen-stuffs, such as bocassins of various colours, and also much cotton. It is thought that the silver stuffs and cloths, as also the linens, come from Alkeiro (Cairo).

...Most of the spices brought to Kalikut are said to come from the island of Zelong (Ceylon).Only heathen live in that island, and the king is a heathen [Moor].It is at a distance of 160 leagues from Kalekutt, and only one league from the mainland.By land it is a journey of twenty days.In the island are forests of brazil-wood and roseberries,385 and other spices, including cloves and rhubarb, are found. Some minor spices come from more distant islands. Cinnamon is imported from Ceylon ...

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APPENDIX C.